Kulturen im Dialog V – Culture in Dialogo V – Cultures in Dialogue V

I   Transnational ties and movement

Dennis Fricken and Daniela Gruber

Introduction

This chapter contributes to the study of transnational space. The concept of transnationalism describes multiple connections and interactions between people or institutions linked to more than one nation state. Global changes and the increasing importance of transnational processes brought new challenges.

The Indian social and cultural anthropologist Arjun Appadurai describes transnational spaces as ethnoscapes, technoscapes, financescapes, mediascapes and ideoscapes and underlines their fluid structure: Scapes are composed by the perspective of different actors, such as national states, diaspora-communities and sub-national religious, political or economic communities, neighbours and individuals. Technoscapes refer to new technologies, which transcend rapidly national borders. Financescapes, according to Appadurai, describe global capital flows. All scapes have their own conditions and limitations; on the other hand, they determine the flow of the other scapes. Mediascapes and ideoscapes are described as landscapes of images, which are transported beyond national borders. Mediascapes transport real and also fictive images into the world, and ideoscapes are shared ideologies of states or counter-ideologies of movements. Tourists, refugees, asylum seekers, guest workers and other people and groups on the move build ethnoscapes¹.

Barth describes ethnic groups as one form of social organisation. Identity evolves from origin and social background. Actors use concepts of ethnic identity, to define themselves or others. Socially relevant factors determine the ←17 | 18→belonging to an ethnic group. As well as described in the chapter of Dennis Fricken, ethnic boundaries can refer to social and territorial basis. To maintain the own identity through the interaction with others is crucial for the expression of belonging and exclusion².

Pilgrims have an imaginary relationship to sacred centres. This effects on a religious belonging beyond long-distances. Through the creation of international networks by religious movements, global communities arise, to which individuals and groups can join. The participation of Roma and Sinti on international pilgrimages determines their belonging to a religious space, which transcends national boundaries. As Daniela Gruber’s chapter shows, this may lead to tensions between religious universalities and local forms in a specific context.

The first chapter deals with conflicts and opportunities as a consequence of ethnic boundaries that come across whenever newcomers make their places in regions and locations that were used in a different manner before. Dennis Fricken describes the phenomenon of amenity migration and the related structural changes in the village of Oukaїmeden in the High Atlas in Morocco. Oukaїmeden can be characterized as a transnational space, which is used seasonally or periodically by mainly prosperous urban dwellers from Moroccan cities and foreign countries. On the basis of this type of in-migration, Oukaїmeden is a shared geographical place of the autochthonous group of Berbers on the one hand and newcomers on the other.

Daniela Gruber in the second contribution gives an insight in transnational religious space, by her study of transnational religious networks of Roma and Sinti in France and Austria. The Catholic Church has always acted beyond national boundaries. Under the centralistic leadership of Vatican, the Church creates and maintains transnational religious networks, grounded on a sense of belonging based on the Catholic faith. Roma and Sinti, who participate at international pilgrimages, can be considered as transnational actors. In her paper, Daniela Gruber examines in particular the influence of the Catholic Church on local Roma-communities in reflecting the construction of multiple identities.

Like the seasonal and periodic sojourners in Oukaїmeden, Roma and Sinti in France and Austria are also transnational actors who maintain different relations across nation states.

Referring to this volume “Cultures in dialogue”, Dennis Fricken focuses on resulting conflicts between Berber communities and newcomers from increasing land usage and different world views in sharing Oukaїmeden place. In the second chapter, Daniela Gruber provides a critical view on cultural attributions to Sinti and Roma, linked to transnational religious networks within the pastoral care established by the Catholic Church.

References

Appadurai, Arjun: Modernity at Large. Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Univ. of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis/London 1996/2010.

Barth, Frederik (Ed.): Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference. Universitätsforlaget, Oslo 1970.

Dennis Fricken

Second residences in Oukaїmeden

Amenity migration in the High Atlas, Morocco

Abstract: Amenity migration, the seasonal or periodic movement of prosperous urban people into scenic rural areas, has its roots in the USA. In recent years, countries in the Global South have increasingly become the focus of amenity migration research. Oukaїmeden in Morocco is a village of particular interest, because the old Berber community at the upper limits of settlement in the High Atlas is known for the agrarian practices associated with traditional Berber culture. Beyond its spectacular setting and distinctive agricultural practices, the settlement geography of Oukaїmeden presents the observer with a striking settlement division: Berber houses and the second residences of, on the one hand, Arab Moroccans and, on the other, foreigners are located separated from each other. The presence of the amenity migrants leads to various structural changes. Due to the newcomers’ various connections to their countries of origin, Oukaїmeden can be characterized as a transnational space.

1 Introduction

This chapter focuses on the phenomenon of amenity migration in Oukaїmeden, in the High Atlas region of Morocco. Amenity migration primarily describes the permanent, seasonal or periodic influx of mainly urban dwellers into a rural area, primarily due to the attractive scenery¹, while maintaining their main residence in their place of origin².

The phenomenon of amenity migration denotes a relatively young research field which has its roots in the USA³. After an increased number of studies in Europe, in particular the Alps, in recent years researchers have increasingly focused their attention on countries of the Global South⁴. In line with this ←21 | 22→development, this chapter presents the first study about amenity migration in the Maghreb region of North Africa.

Located 80 km south of Marrakech, Oukaїmeden belongs to the administrative unit Marrakech-Tensift-El-Haouz. It is connected with Marrakech by two roads running through the plain El-Haouz. Oukaїmeden is an old Berber community at the upper settlement boundary in the High Atlas⁵, where dwellings range up to an altitude of 2,754 m. It is the highest situated village in Morocco as well as a hotspot for winter sport tourism in the Maghreb. Oukaїmeden occupies an exposed location in a structurally weak mountainous region, known for the agrarian practices associated with traditional Berber culture. Beyond its spectacular setting and distinctive agricultural practices, the overall settlement geography of Oukaїmeden presents a visible dualistic structure. There is a striking settlement division: Berbers occupying the western half of the village, and the chalets or second residences of Arab Moroccans and foreigners prevalent in the north-east. The high mountain regions of the High Atlas were usually considered to be depopulation areas, Oukaїmeden is subject to demographic and socio-cultural change due to permanent, seasonal or periodic presence of amenity migrants.