Modelling Cultural and Art Institutions

Introduction

This book stems from my PhD research,¹ which examines the theoretical and practical tensions and questions related to cultural and art institutions in the context of North Macedonia and the wider region of former Yugoslavia. It explores the needs in the art field of contemporary performing arts ((post-dramatic) theatre, dance, performance, choreography etc.),² and it is engaged in the inquiry of alternative models of institutions which would support new working processes and their development.

Term ‘institution’ can either be related to very traditional or standard models of institutions in the field of arts and culture which are supporting production of traditional art forms in contemporary performing arts, or it can be imagined as an open form and collaborative model which enables critical reflection, and is in relation to the needs in the art field. The traditional, or as referred in this book, the standard model is related to the model of the public (theatre) institution in Western Europe which is rooted in the 19th century ideology of nationalism. These institutions have been positioned as “national authorities” which produce certain standards and art classifications (cultural canon) through what they communicate to public. From such authoritarian positions, state(s) created a certain context in which contemporary performing arts are developed, perceived and experienced as a ‘sub-system’ or a marginalised art form, as is the case in most of the ex-Yugoslav countries. For instance, in North Macedonia contemporary performing art ((post-dramatic) theatre, dance, performance, choreography and other forms of contemporary ←11 | 12→ performing arts) is situated in the sub-system classified as the ‘music- scene arts’ or theatre; without any acknowledgement of it being a unique art(s) form with its own specificities and needs. Thus, contemporary performing arts have mostly developed through civil society initiatives, organisations, platforms and collaborations which operate as ‘agencies of action,’ forming new systems, models of governing, operating, producing and disseminating. In relation to this Marvin Carlson (2000, p. 249) reminds us that the modern concept of the alternative theatre and its beginnings are recorded in Europe somewhere at the end of the 19th century, when a large number of theatre professionals and theatre amateurs succeeded to form small production houses, initially associations, and then organisations outside of the theatre establishment, with the aim to escape censorship, research new ideas and possibilities in dramaturgy, and address new or more specialised audiences.

This book attempts to rethink institutions in culture and art in relation to their working strategies, tactics, politics and practices. It will examine organisations, platforms and spaces, situated within civil society culture or within the independent cultural scene in ex-Yugoslavia and across Europe. This book creates a dialogue between diverse positions in theory from where the cultural institution and the notion of the institution are observed, bringing forward the specificities of the art field, but also emphasizing the context of relevance and impact.

The research contained within this book is inductive and based on an interdisciplinary approach, where theoretical readings incorporating sociology, organisation theory, institutional theory, critical theory, performance studies, management theory, field findings and other examples are used as “an analytical tool, a method of spatial and political criticism and articulation that can be applied not only to the art world, but to spaces and institutions in general” (Sheikh, 2006).

Bringing the perspective of the civil society (the independent scene) in ex-Yugoslavia as a prior, this book refers to certain historical and socio-political relations and specificities. The historical context of North Macedonia and ex-Yugoslavia brings certain specifics in work and action, which are related to certain organisations of labour (self-management) or ways of collaborating (social movements, activism etc.). The specific socio-political and economic context is also framing the position in which contemporary performing art is situated, as well as relations with European organisations, networks and institutions which are significantly affecting the development of the discourse around which ←12 | 13→ contemporary performing arts are produced, disseminated and reflected. North Macedonia, as well as ex-Yugoslavian countries, are depicted as ‘transitional’ societies; transitioning from socialist to capitalist and democratic societies. Some of the ex-Yugoslavian countries made an easier transition, while for some, transition brought, and is unfortunately still bringing, corrupt, nationalistic regimes, and criminal privatization of public property. Tension between private and public is present, especially since the public has been manipulated for the sake of the private profit of ruling political parties and local businesspeople. With this as a background, one of civil society’s (in culture) priority issues is the preservation and development of public spaces and the public sphere; the common and community spaces which hold historical and social benefits and which have been derogated during the period of the transition.

North Macedonia in the period between 2007 and 2017 was ruled by a right-wing party (a coalition led by VMRO-DPMNE) that privatised public spaces, institutions and the cultural sphere, developed conservative programmes in cultural institutions, and used them as a nationalistic platform for their political agenda. Their agenda had, in fact, a corrupted background, which was most evident through the Skopje 2014 project,³ an “architectural monster,” oriented towards the reformation of the city of Skopje into the “neoclassical” or “antique” style. This was done by erecting monuments, new buildings, and covering the old modernist buildings from ex-Yugoslavia with uniformed, kitschy facades. This process colloquially named ‘antiquization’ of the city and country, was promoted as a “reformation story” by the government which used it for manipulation of the citizens’ feelings of national belonging. The Government spent around 580 million euros on that project, while the average net wage in North Macedonia was around 300 euros per month. In such a political milieu, the National Strategy for Cultural Development 2013–2017 defined the role of the state as stimulating, enhancing, and promoting cultural relations in society and integrating the culture in the function of social development. Despite prioritizing traditional arts, the government opened one new cultural institution as part of the ‘arts scene’ or the performing arts scene – the Theatre Comedy.⁴ It is a genre theatre, the result of an ad hoc policy decision, made without consultation with the professional field or the public: a prime example of how state power ←13 | 14→ can be misused and public institutions can be ‘privatised’ by the party in power and used as populist or nationalistic platforms.⁵

Political parties and coalitions led by the biggest parties (the Social Democrats (SDSM) and the Conservatives (VMRO-DPMNE)) have been leading the country since North Macedonia gained its independence in 1991. They dealt with the questions of socio-political and economic transition, general negotiations over the country’s name dispute with Greece, integration in the EU, as well as the ethnical conflict with the Albanian minority in 2001. The socio-political, economic and ethnical atmosphere was turbulent and produced general dissatisfaction of the public. In such an atmosphere the right-wing party (a coalition led by VMRO-DPMNE), promising economic and national prosperity, established itself as a ruling party from 2006 until 2017. 2016 was the year of transition, which resulted in change of the political party in power with the Social Democrats finally acceding to power in 2017. This shift in power was largely supported by the civil society, which fought against the ruling right-wing government for many years through organised diverse socio-political and cultural actions. Those actions resulted in a social movement informally called the “Colourful revolution”; a name which emphasised the power of a certain community which can collaboratively act together.

Thus, the political atmosphere in Macedonia changed while this research was coming to its end. One of the first achievements of the new government in relation to culture (included in this book as an example) was the new National Strategy for Cultural Development of R. Macedonia ←14 | 15→ 2018–2022.⁶ In general, the strategy aimed to open possibilities to reform policies related to contemporary performing arts through the development of separate strategies in diverse fields (theatre, dance, performance, music, etc.). It has also brought some policy directions, explained later in this book, which can positively direct shifts and changes in relation to cultural and art institutions, to be supported by the new Law on Public Interest in Culture.

This book relates to public and, more specifically, to cultural policies, and uses examples from civil society, arts and culture, and art to emphasise that strategies and collaborative alliances of associations or collectives, informal groups, platforms and organisations, are seen as environments in which different systems of governing and/or organising can be deployed. Also, they are seen as environments where alternative models of institutions are developed, based on exchanges of resources, and human and social capital. Such institutions are built on the idea of collaboration, community, commonality, solidarity, equality and distribution of power. This perspective is related to a context-driven institutional model as an agency for socio-political transformation, or a producer of ‘sociality’. Such institutions produce socially and politically relevant content, rather than aesthetics that are indifferent to the social reality in which they appear and function.

This perspective offers the post-managerial paradigm in culture; a form related to what has been suggested as a collaborative or heterogenic model, a post-institution, co-institution, and self-organised system. The alternative method of forming such institutions is researched and advocated through participative governance and rhizomatic governance⁷ ←15 | 16→ (organisation), related to the concept of shared policies. By proposing this framework, this book aims to emphasise the perspective of governance and management in culture as a socially relevant and aware field that is not only driven by the needs of the market, but priorly reflects the society and the context in which it is situated. Therefore, the post- managerial paradigm aims to move forward the management of the cultural institution towards the field of “commons”, where a post-institution would be a relevant socio-political form that could be governed by shared policy making, through methods of participatory governance, or managed through a “rhizome” methodology based on collaboration, shared leadership, co-curating, and discussion. Such an institution should have an informed understanding of culture and art as public goods, and as one of the most precious social resources.