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This book provides a view of literary life under the Nazis, highlighting the ambiguities, rivalries and conflicts that determined the cultural climate of that period and beyond. Focusing on a group of writers – in particular, Hans Grimm, Erwin Guido Kolbenheyer, Wilhelm Schäfer, Emil Strauß, Börries Freiherr von Münchhausen and Rudolf Binding – it examines the continuities in völkisch-nationalist thought in Germany from c. 1890 into the post-war period and the ways in which völkisch-nationalists identified themselves in opposition to four successive German regimes: the Kaiserreich, the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich and the Federal Republic. Although their work predated Hitler’s National Socialist movement, their contribution to preparing the cultural climate for the rise of Nazism ensured them continued prominence in the Third Reich. Those who survived into the post-war era continued to represent the völkisch-nationalist worldview in the West German public sphere, opposing both the Soviet and liberal-democratic models for Germany’s future. While not uncontroversial, they were able to achieve significant publishing success, suggesting that a demand existed for their works among the German public, stimulating debate about the nature of the recent past and its effect on Germany’s cultural and political identity and position in the world.

Démocratie et diversité sont-elles conciliables ? Et, si oui, à quelles conditions ? Selon un discours dominant, le modèle libéral, pluraliste et multiculturel serait le seul véritablement en mesure de répondre à ce défi. Mais le prix à payer serait un renoncement à l’idéal républicain du bien commun et à l’idée d’une communauté de citoyens qui s’autogouvernent.
Les auteurs de ce livre, qu’ils s’inscrivent dans les courants républicain, libéral ou radical, ne partagent pas ce constat. La conciliation entre démocratie et diversité n’a pas le libéralisme multiculturel comme seul horizon. Au contraire, c’est en reposant les fondements de la démocratie, et en conservant à l’arrière-plan un certain héritage républicain, que peut émerger une nouvelle approche de la diversité.
Pour certains auteurs, cet héritage républicain est celui de posséder une grammaire culturelle commune afin d’assurer une cohésion collective, pour d’autres, il s’exprime comme liberté de non-domination ou encore comme modèle d’autodétermination démocratique. Un héritage qui est pluriel, mais qui a encore un rôle aujourd’hui pour répondre aux problèmes politiques des sociétés démocratiques, dont celui de la diversité et de la reconnaissance des différences.

This book provides new insights into the negotiation and management of diversity in complex democratic settings. Much debate has been generated recently over questions of human rights and dignity with the aim of empowering and improving the recognition of smaller nations.
The book’s central idea is that respect for democracy and protection of human rights represent the most potent ways for the advancement and enrichment of cultural, ideological and legal pluralism. The pursuit and accomplishment of such objectives can only be achieved through negotiation that leads to the accommodation and empowerment of minority groups and nations.
Negotiating Diversity brings into dialogue political scientists, philosophers and jurists, and enriches a major discussion launched some years back by Yael Tamir’s Liberal Nationalism, Alain-G. Gagnon and James Tully’s Multinational Democracies, as well as Wayne Norman’s Negotiating Nationalism, and Will Kymlicka’s Multicultural Citizenship.

Mégare est la seule cité de Grèce antique à avoir essaimé des colonies aussi bien en Sicile que sur les rives de la Propontide et dans le Pont-Euxin. À partir des récits antiques, des inscriptions et des documents archéologiques, l’auteur se propose d’offrir une nouvelle interprétation d’un mouvement colonial unique en son genre. Étudiant les causes du départ des Mégariens, il révèle le rôle déterminant joué par les conflits qui opposaient les familles aristocratiques. Il montre aussi que les fondations mégariennes furent le résultat d’une sorte de synœcisme primitif, d’un rassemblement de plusieurs groupes de colons le plus souvent hétérogènes du point de vue ethnique. Les institutions restaient en revanche calquées sur celles de la métropole : les subdivisions civiques et plusieurs magistratures mégariennes furent ainsi reproduites à l’identique. En outre, l’étude des institutions permet de mettre en évidence le rapport étroit qui existe entre l’émergence de la cité et le début de la colonisation grecque, deux phénomènes simultanés du haut archaïsme, qui ont profondément et durablement marqué l’histoire des communautés helléniques.

This book examines the state of print and electronic media in the United States of America, Europe, and China. The latest mass communication advances demonstrate that we live in an increasingly media-centric world. The chapters include theoretical and empirical studies that shed light on the meaning of this development. The trajectory of people’s move to electronic communication is a global phenomenon affecting their daily life. Does this trend aid or impede democracy? Is there an emerging digital divide contributing to an increasing gap between the rich and poor people and nations? The four parts of this book explore various aspects of political socialization and its relationship with different media, including print, broadcasting, and the Internet.

Ever since the first international negotiations on climate change in the early 1990s, the European Union has aspired to play a leading role in global climate politics.
This book engages in a longitudinal analysis of the EU’s participation in and impact on the United Nations climate regime.
It provides not only comprehensive insights into the evolution of EU foreign climate policy, but also a thought-provoking audit of the potential and limits of the EU’s influence in a major domain of global affairs.

«Analyzing the earliest debates over the memory of Nazi camps, the author makes an important contribution to the study of their origin, reducing the existing asymmetry in our knowledge on the relevant phenomena in Western and Eastern Europe. This is all the more important as the Poles and Polish Jews, whose involvement in the disputes over memory she describes, were the most important group of survivors and eyewitnesses of the camps and so the genuine group of memory.» Prof. Dariusz Stola (Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Science)
«The vast number and variety of sources used in this work create a fascinating picture of a multifaceted, rich, vivid, and at times heated debate conducted in Poland in the late 1940s. A great merit of Wóycicka is to preserve this discourse from oblivion and to bring it back into the public sphere.» Barbara Engelking (Polish Center for Holocaust Research)

Courage and inspiration are needed to renew the European dream and rediscover the purpose of a European civilisation project which responds to the cultural and moral traditions rooted in the vision of its founding fathers. A mobilising and forward-looking interaction between globalisation and Europeanisation can provide some answers in the emerging global transnational era.
This book offers an interdisciplinary in-depth analysis of the relation between globalisation and Europeanisation from a value driven and human-centric perspective. It proposes a broad, diversified and innovative framework and analysis of concepts based on a human rights, cosmopolitan and public goods perspective of sustainable statehood. This approach is applied to interconnected policy areas and issues that are crucial to Europe’s future, such as external relations, culture, intercultural dialogue, citizenship, education and territorial cooperation. The book’s multidisciplinary readings and critical reflections address the complex issues at play in today’s European societies, which require sustainable, cohesive and responsible answers at conceptual and policy level.

Euroscepticism has become a generic catch-all term that is not always useful to capture the nuances of the different types of political opposition to the current process of European integration. This research analyses the electoral manifestos and programmes presented to the European Parliamentary elections in 2009 by twenty-two parties. In this regard, it is clear that the radical right parties usually have Europhobic impulses – their rejection being not only of methods, but also of principals. In contrast, the radical left parties are, in theory, favourable to European integration, but dispute the direction imposed by the EU authorities.

South Tyrol is a small, mountainous area located in the central Alps. Despite its modest geographical size, it has come to represent a success story in the protection of ethnic minorities in Europe. When Austrian South Tyrol was given to Italy in 1919, about 200,000 German and Ladin speakers became Italian citizens overnight. Despite Italy’s attempts to Italianize the South Tyroleans, especially during the Fascist era from 1922 to 1943, they sought to maintain their traditions and language, culminating in violence in the 1960s. In 1972 South Tyrol finally gained geographical and cultural autonomy from Italy, leading to the ‘regional state’ of 2010.
This book, drawing on the latest research in Italian and German, provides a fresh analysis of this dynamic and turbulent period of South Tyrolean and European history. The author provides new insights into the political and cultural evolution of the understanding of the region and the definition of its role within the European framework. In a broader sense, the study also analyses the shift in paradigms from historical nationalism to modern regionalism against the backdrop of European, global, national and local historical developments as well as the shaping of the distinct identities of its multilingual and multi-ethnic population.