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brought to contemporary Mediterranean shores and across the sea from northern Africa to Italy, Europe and beyond. Embracing Soyinka’s belief, I have outlined how humankind on the move is affecting the current Italian situation within Europe, and I have suggested that the Italian case study stands in a continuum of connectiv- ity with other national contingencies in Europe and beyond. Following this line of thought, one final remark on culture is useful and important. I am not referring to national culture, the master narrative that sustained colonial power

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it “preserves the idea of a single human destiny, a telos for all mankind and the conception of the future – and ineluctable – emergence of a single human culture.”13 As post- colonial criticism has argued such notion of telos coincided with and in some cases facilitated European colonial expansion in Africa, Asia and the Americas.14 2. Cosmopolitanism outside Europe: Uses and Meanings Since the intersection of cosmopolitanism and imperialism has al- ready been explored in some detail, let me examine instead how cosmo- politanism has travelled outside Europe. What

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the Civil Rights Movement to the Women’s and Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender Queer Rights Movements—have sought the actual fulfillment of the promise of the American dream for everyone (as opposed to for elites privileged by economic and historical advantage [Kazin 2011; Kazin 2014]). Whether or not such dissenting movements either abhorred or advocated violence to achieve their results has long been a subject of debate and political prosecution in both Europe and the U.S. II. Violent and Non-Violent Dissent From its earliest origins, it was and still remains

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success above the inviolability of human life. The second tradition arose from the racial tensions within American society. Broch associated American racial conflict with his notion of fascist demonology or the singling out of a communal enemy. Fascist demonol- ogy entailed the creation of a devil whose activities and mere existence in a society were viewed as a threat to the values of the majority. For Broch, both the Jew in European society and the African-American in the United States offered a minority identity that played the role of devil. In a period of

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the world without ever leav- ing California, especially in big cities like Los Angeles and San Francisco� Besides Europeans, the large Mexican and Asian populations also have exerted culinary influences on the way people eat in California� As food writer Leslie Brenner said, “Californians have always been adven- turous, willing to try new sensations, and they readily embraced a new way of eating�”381 California has been standing in the forefront of culinary change in America for a long time� A cookbook writer wrote, “Even in the fifties, while those in the

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between opinion and bias, called distrust. Distrust also appears when a person is predisposed against the United States – not the USA as an entity but rather the situation in which he finds himself. In other words, distrust ap- pears when people are skeptical of American actions and claims, but stay open to consider American rights. Katzenstein and Keohane emphasize that “opinion, distrust, and bias are found along a continuum. Most opinion is a mixture of reasoned assessment based on historical judgment and schemas. Because we focus on anti-Americanism rather

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women serving at that time in the American army. Today, some 500 military classifications are open to women in the IDF, of which 100 are reserved for officers.12 The means by which women were integrated into military frame- works prior to the establishment of the State of Israel and their mo- tives for joining are reminiscent of a common pattern characterizing a large number of developing nations in a state of acute or continuous national struggle. In many third world countries – even those with no socialist equalizing tradition – women often joined the national strug

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critical of her pacifist stance: I hate Nazism and all forms of totalitarianism as much as you do. The dif ference between us, I think, is that I have never believed that Nazism could be ef fectively beaten by force, since it is on force that it thrives. I always believed that to fight Nazism by war would simply cause it to spread, first to Europe, then to this country, then America. And so far everything that I expected to happen has happened.4 This was the start of a tempestuous correspondence between the two women, which was to end their friendship. In one of her

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components from many different countries, the discussion of free trade versus protectionism for France had become “as obsolete as the Maginot Line, a wonder of the defensive art that the German armies superbly ignored in 1940, to the stupefaction of the French General Staff” (Faujas 2011). Maginot symbolism extended also to the United States, where novelist Toni Morrison named one her female characters “Maginot Line” in The Bluest Eye, a 1970 story set during World War II about a young African American woman who wished for but could not have blue eyes. The

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with Matters of Social Policy and Praxis. Searching for a “Planetarium Commons” Azril Bacal Introduction The attempt is made in this work, to critically appraise the main paths of citizen participation, within the socio-political landscape of our times, ranging from extreme rightist to all existing shades of the environmental and left political movements and parties. During the recent “Roma” Gala, last Sunday in Stockholm, Hans Caldaras, writer, singer and emblematic fighter for the human rights of “gypsies” in Swe- den and Europe, and also a dear friend