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Perverse Identities

Identities in Conflict


Edited By Flocel Sabate

The urgent need for the study of exclusive identities in conflict is ever more apparent in a globalizing world in which societies are becoming multicultural and complex and in which inter-cultural contact and the co-existence of languages and cultures comes increasingly to bear on the construction of plural identities. The present book considers perversion in the construction of identity and the perverse usage of identity in areas such as social cohesion – xenophobia, racism, ostracism, rejection, ageism, marginalisation – and the mismanagement of linguistic identity, language groups and associated discriminatory practise arising out of historical and culturally based discrimination. The texts were submitted in an international meeting held in the Institute for Identities and Societies of the University on Lleida (Catalonia, Spain) in November 2012.
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The use of immigration in the debate on identity in Catalonia during the course of resumption of democracy



Universitat de Lleida

1. Summary and work hypothesis

Different political traditions in Catalonia have recreated different narratives about identity since the end of the 19th Century until today. Narratives start from two different conceptual frameworks, one conservative the other liberal. The different traditions that have developed at different stages since the 19th Century until today will derive from these two great narratives. However, during the period of the resumption of democracy and reconstruction of the national institutions, new relations of narrative and identity construction will be created. In our view, the right wing political discourse of the 1970s was predominantly fed from the liberal conceptual framework that endorses the narrative of Nation in terms of voluntary ties, the Gemeinschaft’s social ties. Thus, while the narrative of the community – Gemeinschaft –, will continue on the basis of sustained solidarity of its members around elements such as the language, traditions or the territory, it will be put forward in terms of integration, as opposed to assimilation, and will leave behind the discursive essentialism for a communitarian narrative of hegemonic desire.

In liberal States, the assimilationist and integrationist models respond to the Nation-State’s objectives of constructing a homogeneous nation that fosters organic internal solidarities, in the lines of Durkheim’s concept. Nevertheless, debates on contemporary political philosophy with a communitarian trend discuss this matter1 and the multiculturalist model ← 369 | 370 → of the 1980s – or the so-called right to difference in the 1990s – will appear as...

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