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Learning the Nuclear: Educational Tourism in (Post)Industrial Sites


Edited By Natalija Mazeikiene

This book illuminates the educational potential of nuclear tourism and learning about nuclear power in informal and non-formal learning settings. The authors present a case of elaboration of the educational virtual nuclear route in the Ignalina Power Plant Region, Lithuania. Nuclear tourism takes its shape at the junction of several types of tourism – energy, industrial, cultural, and heritage and it becomes a site of outdoor and place-based education, promotes STEM, energy literacy, critical thinking, and environmental skills, and creates a valuable source for virtual learning. The book reveals peculiarities of learning and experience at nuclear power plants and disaster tourism destinations such as the Chernobyl Museum and the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone.

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Revisiting Educational Potential of the Industrial Heritage Tourism: Ruhr Area in Germany and Ignalina Power Plant Region in Lithuania (Ilona Tandzegolskienė)

Ilona Tandzegolskienė

Revisiting Educational Potential of the Industrial Heritage Tourism: Ruhr Area in Germany and Ignalina Power Plant Region in Lithuania

Abstract: The main topic of the chapter is related to the changes that took place during the historical stage of the industrial period. The changes are analysed through the preservation and revitalisation of objects, the perspective of landscape reconstruction, and the renewal of the urban city. The main keywords in the chapter are related to the preservation of industrial heritage, the meaning of historical events, the determination of the value of remembrance based on the theory of the scar, the importance of identity, and the principles of educational tourism. In this work, the case study method is applied. The underlying principles of this method allow to devise certain characteristic strategies in constructing the new face of an industrial heritage object, post-industrial landscape, or urban city. The case study discusses the example of the Ruhr area in Germany through which certain trends on how problematic and specific objects are transformed into part of the cultural heritage and places of interest are shown. The obtained results are presented in connection with the challenges posed by the closure of the Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant (INPP) and the search for the new identity in the city of Visaginas. The study report also presents elements of a sustainable and long-term industrial heritage analysis scheme including the uniqueness of the site, its significance to society, value potential, approaches to demonstrating objects based on constructivist philosophy, educational tourism, and new learning experiences.

Keywords: industrial heritage Post-industrial landscape Educational tourism Learning experience Ruhr area Germany Ignalina power plant region atomic town Visaginas.


The classical conception of cultural heritage, which dominated approximately until the mid-20th century, focused on tangible and intangible objects that were maintained and developed by inheritance from older generations of the society. Capelo et al. (2011) note that such an interpretation of this conception is no longer appropriate for the current reality and invite to perceive heritage as something continuously created and recreated which comes from the past, yet has a strong interaction with the present. Therefore, the context of the ←20 | 21→concept of heritage has expanded from architectural structures to the terrain, from nature reservations to the landscape, from ethnographic rural images to images of industrial cities, and from the demonstration of “primitive equipment” to powerful industrial giants.

The objects of industrial heritage are becoming a part of the cultural heritage today, and the revival or giving a “second life” to these objects is in many respects and interesting phenomenon. This change is associated with environmental perspectives, economic development, social and cultural revival, and empowerment of intellectual potential. Along with the main functions such as enhancing the attractiveness of a public space, assuring the structural sustainability of a city or a region, “awakening” of the creative potential of the population, or reducing the unemployment rate in the region, revival of industrial heritage sites also focuses on cherishing the intangible values such as involving museums into the preservation of the memory about the Industrial Revolution epoch. According to Alanen and Melnick (2000), museums can preserve the interaction between cultural development and industrial heritage which leads to the creation of new artistic-cognitive spaces; furthermore, the transformation elements demonstrated in the factories and plants are linked to gaining historical knowledge through education. Storm (2014 analyses the objects of industrial heritage and post-industrial landscape using the scar metaphor that encourages us not to forget this object by reliving the past in the present moment, as well as to construct the future by exposing us to the values through the process of revitalization. Hence, the revitalisation of industrial objects encourages us to investigate and document the history of the industrial revolution, to record the growing balance between the vegetation and anthropological elements in the places of landscape reconstruction, and to create a new conception of the urban image focusing on its development as a cultural, cognitive, and leisure centre. It also encaptures social change, the scale of development, the need for the transformation, the rethinking of functionality, the details of the structure, and the stages of crisis resolution. When constructing remembrance of the industrial heritage or creating post-industrial landscape spaces, the following benefits of educational tourism are notable: motivation to travel, perceive, and learn through realising urban cultural development and industrialisation through various objects and landscapes.

The main theme of this chapter is related to the changes that occurred in the period of the Industrial Revolution which lead to widespread discussions about the reconstruction of industrial heritage, post-industrial landscape, and urban revitalisation as an opportunity to raise awareness of the value of remembrance and the significance of historical events through educational tourism. The aim ←21 | 22→of this chapter is to overview the primary changes in the industrial heritage and post-industrial landscape in relation to the need of post-industrial society to preserve and maintain this specific heritage, as well as to highlight the elements of educational tourism that underlie the principles of sustainable and long-lasting cognitive and learning process.

Consequently, the case study method, which is successfully used in social sciences, architecture, and landscape architecture planning, will be applied in the present work. In the current research, the case of Ruhr area in Germany is presented as a case where problem-causing specific objects can be identified for reconstruction to make them a part of cultural heritage. The example of the Ruhr area in Germany is expected to help highlight certain strategies relevant to the INPP region and the city of Visaginas.

Theory Part 1: Spatial and Social Changes of Industrial Heritage and (Post)-Industrial Landscape

Changes in the Conception of Heritage in the Industrialisation Period

The conception of heritage is relevant in this chapter since the object under analysis represents the challenges of the Industrial Revolution and captures the moment of preservation and remembrance. In order to understand the relevance of today’s industrial heritage and post-industrial landscape to culture, education, and history, it is not enough to refer to the classic conception of this notion. Nowadays, this notion also encompasses monuments, legacy of agrarian culture, natural, cultural, and post-industrial landscape that are significant for a group or society in general, i.e. heritage becomes factories, factory sites, mines, gigantic industrial machines, and even dwellings or public spaces meant for workers (Jensen, 2000; Čepaitienė & Mikailienė, 2017). De la Torre and Mason (2002) explain heritage value as a set of positive characteristics or qualities perceived by certain individuals or groups about cultural objects or sites where these aspects are not immutable in a changing context. They highlight the right of every person to participate in history writing, emphasising heritage as having social and political implications. It is noteworthy that the conception of heritage includes both material aspects associated with monuments, artefacts, natural structures and buildings; and intangible, non-material aspects, associated with authentic lifestyle in a particular area such as customs, special skills, or abilities; national cuisine, songs, and dances (Storm, 2014; Copic & Tumaric, 2015; Čepaitienė & Mikailienė, ←22 | 23→2017). Capelo et al. (2011) reinforce this idea by stating that heritage exists in the material physical sense as an object – a building or a landscape while at the same time these material objects are given meaning through memories, dispositions, or imagination. This conception has been considerably developed in recent decades and has expanded from individual to urban architectural structures, from industrial contexts to the natural ecosystem and landscape; consequently, the significance of heritage and cultural value has increased.

With such a broad understanding of heritage, difficulties arise in the definition of the object and the separation and evaluation of the aspects of the classification which are related to geographical, chronological, and typological elements of value. Alexander (2010) and Storm (2014) note that the initial perception of heritage is equated with the conscious desire of our predecessors to tell us something and to leave us something as an important phenomenon or an object. However, this definition is increasingly used when seeking to focus on a particular gift or even oppositely – a burden (we proudly carry it in the case of a gift or quietly bear it in the case of a burden), so that we can “leave” it for the future generations. Storm (2014) also maintains that it is becoming increasingly hard to clearly define a heritage object due to the difficulty to define and capture logical links between human experience and physical artefacts. The author (ibid.) emphasises that heritage is ever-changing and seen as an activity or a process which is more focused on intangible things, such as authenticity, identity, and artistic or technological uniqueness. Bearing this in mind, heritage is constantly being redefined in relation to the context of the area, the history being told, the value system, and current changes. Thus, it is important to talk about heritage in the context of the values and attitudes of the current population while not forgetting unrelenting aspect of the value of identity. Interestingly, the concept of heritage, which is recorded in historical documents of the epoch, preserved in drawings, presented through narratives, or illustrated in photographs and immortalised in artistic projects, is also identified with something positive; namely, it is enriching people’s lives in that to some extent it is partially offering some sense of immortality, Similarly to Storm (2014) Neittleingham (2018) refers to the moment of restoration and revitalisation of the heritage object as a time “scar”. While these objects become immortalised and associated with longer publicity, the primary purpose of the objects is destroyed and the identity value is altered. It is noteworthy that certain “unwanted heritage” or even “dark” heritage exists which narrates conflicting situations and memories related to the “victim-offender” or “powerful-powerless” relationships.←23 | 24→

Therefore, when presenting the philosophical approach to the conception of heritage, several conceptions are distinguished. One of them is the essentialist conception of heritage which underlines the natural and innate value of an object. Another is the “humanist view” which emphasises the universal, transcendental, objective, and unconditional characteristics of heritage. Finally, the constructivist approach is based on the premise that the identity lies not in things but rather in relations, and it is social relationships and modern values that determine the identity of cultural and social objects while clarifying the significance of the past in the present time (Alexander, 2010).

Active analysis of industrial heritage objects started around 1960–1970, when the focus was on the achievements of technological processes, accumulated experience of the local community, and stories told by workers. Built in the 19th century, industrial heritage buildings with large windows mostly built close to the sea or lake or in urban areas are now reconstructed into restaurants, schools, exhibition halls, museums, and places for cultural events. However, there is also talk about the scars of the ruined post-industrial landscape of the 20th century such as abandoned factory complexes, shutdown power plants, monolithic buildings, and workers’ canteens with broken windows.

Furthermore, the new conception of economic utility and sustainability has led governments to reconsider the cultural and historical value of these forgotten objects that have lost their functionality and devastated landscapes. Thus, the re-adaptation of industrial heritage buildings and the post-industrial landscape to modern needs has recently become of interest. The redesigned living environment and the uniqueness of the objects are apparent in such design solutions as preserved authentic and visible steel girders, plastered walls, original and wide windowsills, and open spaces. Many famous projects such as Bankside Power Station in London, opened in 2000 as an art museum (Art Museum – Tate Modern), or lofts in the former mill in Gothenburg in Sweden are perfect examples and design solutions of the industrial past. Industrial heritage objects due to their contrasting appearance with creatively managed landscape attract new residents or new visitors, and in turn not only start serving modern life but are also associated with financial prosperity.

Nowadays, industrial heritage raises a great deal of interest due to its exotic otherness and creates an aura of mysticism and romance. The number of abandoned, obsolete, and unused post-industrial infrastructure sites and industrial heritage objects testifies how the industrial revolution has encouraged mankind to move towards new technologies and technological advances neglecting the agricultural economy. It means that the true purpose of the ←24 | 25→land is changing towards the idea that land is a place where one can absorb “resources” and “take” what humanity needs. These objects, structures, and landscapes that bear witness to the industrial and technological past have acquired a certain cultural, social, and historical value both at the regional and the urban scale. In this case, industrial heritage includes waterpower, river navigation canals, locks, mills, gasworks, post-industrial sites, warehouses, railways and stations, harbours, or mining sites (Krinke, 2001; Alexander, 2010; Sutestad & Mosler, 2016).

It is noteworthy that “industrial ruins” were not immediately perceived as beautiful or highly valued heritage objects since they were associated with excessive consumption of resources and urbanisation in the industrialisation period and reminded of devastating or even dangerous places. In terms of heritage value, such places or objects are often too stigmatising to be included as relevant and valuable points of interest (Loures, 2008; Alexander, 2010; Storm, 2014). Loures (2008) and Loures, et al. (2017) maintain that a negative public perception of objects created during the Industrial Revolution still exists even if they are no longer functional and their origins are no longer in line with the contemporary aesthetic, ecological, and value-based conceptions.

According to Storm (2014), nuclear power plants with closed reactors and damaged landscapes can also be added to the industrial heritage list, such as the nuclear power plants at Ågesta in Sweden, Calder Hall nuclear power plant in England, INPP in Lithuania and which are currently closed and being dismantled. However, these types of objects attract visitors because of the “nuclear fear” and sense of danger or because of the utopian signs of the past.

Some authors (Copic & Tumaric, 2015) claim that the analysis of industrial heritage and identification of (post)-industrial sites was initially only of interest to “amateurs” and “enthusiasts,” yet today it has become an interesting topic widely investigated by various researchers in sciences and arts. Not only is the historical, technological, social and architectural value, but also the scientific, creative, and educational value of these objects is actively discussed (Loures, 2008; Alexander, 2010; Storm, 2014). Mason and Avrami (2000) and Loures (2016) also invite to take a broader look at this phenomenon either from the ecological or educational point of view referring to the relevance of its social, cultural, and economic value. Meanwhile, Copic and Tumaric (2015) recommend analysing the historical and architectural uniqueness of these objects and landscapes as the interest in these areas is continuously growing.←25 | 26→

The Use of Scar Metaphor in Defining the Relevance of Heritage

When analysing the sites of (post)-industrial landscape, Storm (2014) employs the leitmotif of “scars” and distinguishes three categories of industrial heritage: the first one is related to the canonised understanding of heritage scars where the place used for industrial purposes is redefined and reused in setting its new goal; the second one is referred to the ruined post-industrial landscape scars which are associated with abandoned, collapsing, or unused places that are simultaneously considered romantic and disgraceful; and the third category underlines undefined post-industrial landscape scars which are not considered significant to be remembered or preserved. Storm (2014, 8) notes: “<…the idea of the scar challenges understandings of heritage as regards the relationship between the mental and the physical. A scar is something you live with. It is a bodily experience, a physical memory. If shown, it is also evocative and can trigger narration: Where did you get that one? <…> A scar, on the other hand, is an organic metaphor. It is not a tool for human beings, but an integrated part of human experience.”

There is more to be gained from this description of the conception than from predefined categories. Remembrance, in this case, requires consolidation, whereas the scar metaphor becomes a conceptual tool for holding and protecting memories. Scar, wound, and other organic metaphors used to define heritage are used to show large-scale transformations that have been associated with gigantic constructions and painful changes in the landscape or a terrain (e.g. construction of hydroelectric or gigantic factories). From the point of view of industrial heritage, the use of the scar metaphor also implies the perception that well-being is inevitably costly. It requires a “sacrifice” as industrial growth and the desire to live better alter the image of a location, ruin and devastate nature. The scar does not disappear anywhere. It is present, yet it can be shaded, hidden, or consciously forgotten.

However, according to some authors (Loures et al., 2017), visual value has a stronger impact when assessing the (post)-industrial landscapes and industrial heritage objects, whereas historical remembrance is not always preserved, i.e., historical amnesia occurs. This is due to the fact that fit-for-new life and domesticated industrial objects and landscapes have often been restored and rearranged by those who do not have a personalised memory of the area or the object. Consequently, the historical remembrance and identifying memories of such areas have been lost. In fact, many (post)-industrial landscapes ←26 | 27→and industrial heritage objects simply disappear or are “destroyed”, which can be referred to as a scar because the identity of those who lived and worked in that place is simultaneously destroyed. One could talk about the connectedness with the place and the community that lived there since the significance of identity depends on social interaction and constant dialogue with others (Bairašauskienė, 2018).

Meier and Aytekin (2019) have conducted 222 open-ended interviews in six regions of Europe noting that there is a sense of nostalgia for the past among the people who have lived and worked in an altered industrial landscape. This is manifested through the perception that their jobs have been destroyed, and their sacrifice will no longer be appreciated by anyone. Both the pointlessness of the former work process and the hope for the new investments, which are linked to the opportunities of revitalisation, are visible. Consequently, people living in such place begin to look at the process of change from a distance, with a certain detachment, which is called a panoramic view. In turn, panoramic view requires both physical and emotional distance which leads to the reflection on the object/location and the search for a new self. Historically, the transformations of industrial cities, industrial sites, and post-industrial landscapes in the US and the UK have taken place by altering their use and investing in new and spacious residential dwellings, replanted and scenic landscapes, or planning and installing museum spaces, art galleries, and leisure and entertainment areas.

Meanwhile, the demolition of industrial complexes and the devastation of landscapes in Eastern Europe have freed quite a number of cities and locations from the utopian rhetoric of the Soviet heritage, yet this has also posed a new question: “How could new non-utopian spaces be created from objects that represented the pride, industrial growth, and high self-esteem of people who worked and lived there?” According to Drėmaitė (2002), there is a lot of debate in Lithuania about the industrial legacy of the Soviet period not only in the psychological sense when talking about foreign workers who arrived, low quality production, poor organisation, non-ecological conditions, and hard work, but also because of the emergence of uncharacteristic to Lithuania unified architecture. This period is considered a negative experience and is referred to as the scar that is not consciously analysed or remembered. This is tantamount to an irreversible historical loss of remembrance where cameras and photographs are unable to capture and preserve the existing memory since the buildings and memories have been destroyed.←27 | 28→

Another important aspect is that the focus is often given to an individual building rather than to the landscape and environment as potential heritage. In this case, the natural surface of the land and the buildings located there, as well as the particularity of the region, results in the proposition how to strategically plan the presentation of the object, covering both the uniqueness of the buildings and the landscape. Such thinking could enhance the creative potential, the design, and strategic planning capabilities of the region seeking to protect the historical remembrance of the Industrial Revolution. The genre of photography is introduced as an appropriate means of conveying information that helps to capture the decline of material assets and the restoration of nature in those places. The romanticisation of industrial heritage and the environment acquires a different outlook through photography, where the moments and changes of the past are captured by technology. Everyday routines and a gaze into a daily life of a working person dominate in the photographs, hence conveying the life and story of the working people. This genre suggests a new idea that the daily life and “injustices” of the past and present are hidden in the museums and restored industrial heritage objects, photo reports, or films in order to avoid the discussions about uncomfortable things.

However, some artists and photographers purposefully try to bring back the image of the labourer to the landscape or industrial heritage objects in order to create a visual illusion of a working person. To summarise, the discussion focuses more on the breakdown between the material things and location: the importance of the tools they hold, the machines they operate, or the living environment that represents the fragments of their home life is valuable only as long as the living place is used, worked on, and lived in (Meier & Aytekin, 2019). Dortmund Zollern Colliery can serve as an example because its remembrance is associated with natural resilience and hard-working but proud people. The scar here is perceived through the simplification and redefinition of the hard work of a labourer in the mines and the suppression of work problems by the architectural evaluation of the area. In this case, the identity in photographs and installations is strengthened by emphasising local authenticity, storytelling, and the preservation of the working culture.

Another reason for the existence of the scar could be named – the invisibility and uncertainty of industrial heritage objects, which may be due to their remote location or perception as unimportant. This can be exemplified by the city of Visaginas and the INPP since these objects have neither a clear definition nor cultural value and currently are more imaginable and implicit. The decommissioning of the first reactor at the INPP in 2004 and the second ←28 | 29→one in 2009 had a major impact on the fate of the city since the majority of the city’s population worked in the plant, and the city itself was built to service the nuclear plant (Šliavaitė, 2010). Hence, it has become inconspicuous as to what the purpose of the city and the surrounding landscape around the closing INPP should be today, and what value should be attributed to it. At the moment, it is difficult to associate it with recreational zones and eco-tourism.

Therefore, the time perspective also determines the prospects of revitalisation and re-use since industrial heritage objects and the ruined landscape are identified as scars of uncertainty. Since they are left in an uncertain position, it is difficult to remember their past but also foresee the future. Hereby, both tactical and visual perceptions of the perspectives of the object and the location remain unclear and sink into “oblivion”. This can be attributed to the Lithuanian industrial period which is perceived as obscure and devastating to the unique nature of the country and at the same time identified with a particular negative experience at a certain historical period, namely, the Soviet times. Hence, the heritage and landscape of the industrialisation period can hardly find their way to the construction of Lithuania’s historical narrative and national identity since the heritage of mansions and industrial objects of interwar Lithuania are more precious to Lithuanians (Drėmaitė, 2002).

In addition to the records in the historical sources that may help understand the impact of industrial heritage at the regional and national level, it is also important to talk about the social context which includes the sources of the society’s culture and way of life. This may explain the underlying causes of industrial growth and changes in people’s lives that have led to this particular type of change, as well as structural, economic, and social changes. Due to the negative experiences, this historical stage in the country (Lithuania) is not actively researched and described. Nevertheless, material objects, such as archival data, buildings, locations or landscapes, and intangible objects, such as workers’ stories, lifestyles, or folklore of that period, may answer the question asked a little earlier about creating new non-utopian spaces and identifying the value of industrial heritage. It is notable that the restoration and preservation of identity is possible through sharing the narrative, where nostalgic memories of the past and community involvement in preserving the historical value can help create a historical moment of this remembrance. Nostalgia is not the only element of the narrative that revives identity – sadness and indifference can also become the narrative storyline of identity restoration.←29 | 30→

The Trends of Urban Change Dependent on Industrial Heritage Objects or Post-Industrial Landscape

In addition to gigantic buildings and landscapes, urban spaces are often considered as objects of industrial heritage, and tourism is a powerful tool to inspire their reconstruction and conservation. Murphy and Boyle (2005) agree that culture has “become” a part of the strategy of numerous cities where tourism is developed. Analysing relevant case studies, a lot of cities across the UK (Glasgow, Liverpool, Newcastle and Birmingham) and other countries (Antwerp, Bilbao, Genoa, Rotterdam) have been identified as cultural cities. This idea marks a radical development of the concept of “culture” and contributes to educational tourism, heritage, and entertainment (Murphy & Boyle, 2005; Ismailova et al., 2015; Copic & Tumaric, 2015). The urban tourism strategy and the related issues including the purpose, scale, pace, and appropriate impact of the change on the region/locality and policy encourage the creation of a new product that attracts domestic investment, and thereby, demonstrate the economic growth of the city/area. It is worth noting that tourism oriented towards the development of cultural values has become a major theme of international tourism and became an important focus in the reconstruction of urban areas. According to some authors (Murphy & Boyle, 2005), it is highly significant that the development of industrial heritage objects and urban tourism has been linked to the economic and educational goals. Consequently, it leads to raising investment and revitalisation of urban areas. As Meethan (1996) notes that cities “took advantage of cultural capital” title because it saved closed factory buildings and unused areas from demolition and turned them into tourist and educational attractions while developing services sector.

Murphy and Boyle (2005) analyse cities that symbolise and demonstrate how industrial cities can change, such as Glasgow, Bilbao, Newcastle, Rotterdam, Porto, and introduce a conceptual model of the post-industrial city. The authors (ibid.) further draw attention to the tendencies of the development of tourism culture in these cities emerging from the need for tourist accommodation services, development of leisure and retail services, creation of attractive heritage, revival of forgotten and neglected places, and the organisation of festivals and other cultural events. When the support was received from politicians and the new initiative was strongly supported by the local community, the cities of Liverpool and Bristol have become as an example to follow. The ethnographic study conducted by Meier and ←30 | 31→Aytekin (2019) demonstrated that social identity and community building of the local people is just as important for the transformation of industrial objects. This reveals the importance of the political decisions that promote urban development and economic growth, attraction of private investors, collaboration of public and private sectors, local government involvement, and the community support for the conception. Moreover, great importance is attached to the creation of new attractions, to the enhancement of the attractiveness of information/tourism centres, to the search for marketing solutions, wellness and leisure centres, to the analysis of possibilities for more museums and gallery facilities, to the thematic prerequisites for organisation of festivals and other events, and to the promotion of retail sales and real-estate development. Special emphasis is placed on the need for individuality in urban change and development since a successful beach revitalisation, organisation of festivals, or construction of a conference centre may not always be justified. Therefore, it is suggested that project development should help preserve something that is unique and specific to the area while remembering cultural signification avoiding “uniformity and recurrence” in other cities (Alexander, 2010; Murhpy & Boyle, 2005; Rodríguez-Ferrándiz, 2014; Ismailova et al., 2015).

In summing up the first part, it may be concluded that industrialisation objects testify to the industrial development, urban, or even regional development, and therefore have an indispensable historical value in several respects, such as: (1) it is a typical and important proof of industrial development and industrialisation processes; (2) it tells about social identity and belonging to the community, and it shows the daily work of a working person signifying his/her social value; (3) it has technological and scientific value in terms of production, engineering, engineering, architecture, and planning; (4) it can have a high aesthetic value for the quality of architecture, design, and planning, which may become an inspiration in the future from the creative point of view; (5) it is a unique intangible heritage that can be recorded in archives, through experience, through elements of the industrial landscape, industrial machinery and even their layout in the room, and through urban spaces in which they exist; (6) authenticity, as the survival of specific object typologies or landscapes, adds special value and should be carefully assessed and preserved. The first three subthemes of the theoretical part can be summarised in one figure (see Fig. 1) which demonstrates the process of objects’ analysis and the most important stages of transformation.

Fig. 1:Process and analysis of industrial heritage construction (compiled by I. Tandzegolskienė)

←31 | 32→

Theory Part 2: The Possibility of Transformative-Experiential Learning Developed within Educational Tourism When Interacting with the Objects of Industrialisation Process

A modern tourist chooses the goal and type of the travel not only seeking to flee or escape from something, but also in search of intrinsic motivation that incorporates self-awareness and the need to gain new experience. While discussing the objects of industrial heritage, there are three most frequently distinguished conceptions: industrial tourism, post-industrial tourism, and industrial objects of cultural tourism. For instance, Szromek and Herman (2019) distinguish between industrial and post-industrial tourism. The former is concerned with tourism related to the cognition of the operating industrial companies through educational programmes developed by the companies, while the latter is associated with travelling to places where production has been terminated. However, both terms are frequently used as synonyms simply meaning – trips to the objects and places of industrial heritage. These can refer to museums, parks, or other infrastructural objects which involve and ←32 | 33→motivate by their authenticity and give a possibility to understand and analyse the location by employing the accumulated historical legacy and heritage. They perform the function of exhibition rather than production. When defining educational tourism, not only industrial places but also cultural objects and nature objects are included.

Therefore, some authors (Rithie et al., 2003; Richards, 2011; Akabakar et al., 2014; McGladdery & Lubbe, 2017; Harazneh et al., 2018) propose expanding the conception of industrial tourism by referring to it as a transformative experience that is acquired while learning in a unique place or environment. In the field of educational tourism, Smith (2006) expresses an idea that heritage is more intangible. Even though tangible objects and places can be identified as heritage, it is more relevant to talk about the act of remembrance related to the present, the meaning of experience here and now, whereas the places and objects themselves are historical and cultural means that can help you understand and master it. It shows that trying to understand the value of an object or a locality, it is important to invite tourists/visitors to feel and experience what is significant. Storm (2014) notes that when an industrial heritage object or a post-industrial landscape is presented, people mainly interpret it through “seeing” and “feeling”. In this way, a tourist/visitor is guided by the aesthetic criteria of cognising the history or the place, where the eyes and the “re-absorption of experience” become very important. It is also confirmed by the idea of sociologist Urry (1995) that heritage objects or places under analysis attract tourists and visitors because they can experience the place.

All of the provided examples show that scientific literature presents different definitions of educational tourism. Richards (2011) claims that educational tourism is a consequence of cultural tourism fragmentation, and today educational tourism is a separate niche having nothing to do with volunteering, language teaching, or creative tourism. Ankomah and Larson (2000) maintain that educational tourism consists of the following sub-types: cultural tourism, historical tourism, eco-tourism, rural tourism, heritage tourism, and student exchanges between educational programmes. Ritchie et al. (2003) provide a conception of educational tourism that covers an anthropological perspective based on motivation factors and dependent on the age group of tourists. According to the author (ibid.), educational tourism is best defined by a combination of these two words “willingness to learn”. Following this conception, acquisition can become a primary or a secondary motivator to travel depending on how the learning process occurs – formally (using the services of an expert or a guide) or non-formally (autonomously or as a result of intrinsic motivation). The author proposes sub-segments of educational tourism, such as educational ←33 | 34→tourism of adults and seniors, school and university/college students; he also mentions motivation problems, the impact of educational tourism, and the necessity of regional development. Meanwhile, Sharma (2015) focuses on the topics that can be developed depending on the region and defined as sub-types of educational tourism: historical tourism, heritage tourism, archaeological tourism, wildlife tourism, sports tourism, farm/agro tourism, pilgrimage tourism, rural tourism, eco-tourism, cultural tourism, culinary tourism, film tourism. Yet another conception comes from Sie, Patterson and Pegg (2016:108) who distinguish three characteristic features in their definition of educational tourism: “It (1) is an organised trip that provides choices for self-directed learning; (2) leisure travel with an expert-led educational element; and (3) is a trip where intrinsically motivated and like-minded travellers contribute to authentic and personal experiences.”

The provided main definitions of educational tourism presuppose that a unified definition of the concept itself does not exist, yet some tendencies can be identified: the need for thoughtful travel planning, learning, and reflection; a motivated choice of an object or place associated with formal or non-formal education and the age group; and authentic and individually created experiences.

Analysing the conception of educational tourism, considerable attention is given to the discussion of motivation. Abukabar et al. (2014) provide Cohen’s conception formed in 1972, according to which tourists are divided into two subgroups by employing various expressions of motivation: the explorer and the drifter or the individual and mass tourist. The explorer and the drifter seek new experiences and novelty, while the individual or the mass tourist seek acquaintance or in other words familiarity. This is also associated with the possibility to travel to nearby regions, for instance, within 24 hours, or go on more distant trips in one’s own country or abroad (up to one month) including international exchange travels to another country for several months or semesters (Maga & Nicolau, 2018). Based on the set goals, this chapter will focus on the aspiration to learn to acquire new experience while travelling and visiting heritage objects raised in the period of industrial revolution, whereas the themes of international exchange and studies will not be expanded. Rehberg (2005) expanded the division of groups of motivating factors by adding such ones as “achieving something positive”, “quest for the new”, and “quest for oneself”. The first group puts more emphasis on ethical values; the second focuses on friends, culture, and new experience; and the third one is more concerned with personal interests and motives, mainly professional, career, or intellectual purposes.←34 | 35→

McGladdery and Lubbe (2017) emphasise the significance of educational tourism and discuss the duality of motivation to act, which is manifested through interaction “tourism first” and through “education first” and provide the touch points of this interaction (see Fig. 2).

Fig. 2:Model of educational tourism (McGladdery & Lubbe, 2017, p. 321)

In discussing the provided figure, it is possible to claim that tourism and education are closely interrelated when one plans to learn and explore while travelling, or when one intends to travel striving for new knowledge and experiences. For example, senior tourists are motivated to travel as the first component of an activity (Tourism First) which is associated with the desire to know, travel, and learn. Meanwhile, teachers that organise trips for students would consider education as the first component (Education First) although the students may associate such trips with travelling, pleasant experience, and learning outside school. According to Ritche et al. (2003), such tourism is related to rewarding, enriching, adventurous, and learning experience. Assessing the distinguished trends “Education First” and “Tourism First”, it is assumed that in the first case the focus is placed on the curriculum and learning objectives at school, whereas the learning process itself is pre-planned and systemised. In the latter case, the ←35 | 36→focus is on visiting selected places, where the proposed non-formal learning programme is employed, yet its main motive is related to personal purposes rather than the intrinsic aspiration of a tourist/visitor to learn and discover. It shows that educational tourism is associated with learning goals, curriculum, and learning through experience and experimentation, including active engagement of students (Stone & Petrick, 2013; McGladdert & Lubbe, 2017; Harazneh et al., 2018, Nettleingham, 2018). In their study, Pitman et al. (2010, 223) highlighted three key ideas about the form of learning in educational tourism: “First, it was intentional, such as ‘taking a trip specifically to broaden my horizons or enhance my knowledge.’ Second, it was experiential, involving notions of ‘immersion’, ‘hands-on’, ‘vivid’ and ‘evidence’ and described as ‘engaging with ideas in their original context.’ Third, it was structured, such as one male academic’s description of ‘the combination of travel with a structured educational program.”

When discussing the acquired experience in the process of learning via educational tourism, the model of experiential learning developed by Kolb (Pitman et al., 2010; McLeod, 2017; Dorfsman & Horenczyk, 2018) discloses the way how the participants of educational tourism learn. The four levels of learning (experience, reflection, concluding and practice) enable a tourist to create unique knowledge and reconstruct the acquired experience by supplementing it with new knowledge and skills (see Fig. 3). The main aspect of the Kolb’s model of experiential learning is reflection which is an essential condition to achieve learning through experimentation and to acquire learning experience.

Fig. 3:Process of learning (McLeod, 2017) ←36 | 37→

In presenting the conception of experiential learning and integrating it into the process of educational tourism cognition, it is important to clearly identify the stages of learning and learning outcomes. In this case, the advantage of the outcomes is that they are measurable, and thus, can be verified and modified. McGladdery (2016: 84) distinguishes three categories within the presentation of the process of educational tourism (see Fig. 4): (1) Cognitive outcomes – measure what is to be learnt (knowledge acquired). (2) Affective outcomes – measure attitudes or ways of thinking that may change. (3) Behavioural outcomes – measure skills that will be developed.

Fig. 4:A learning process model of educational tourism (adapted from McGladdery & Lubbe, 2017: 324)

Sharma (2015) notes that environmental factors are especially significant in creating an appropriate learning atmosphere via the consolidation of personal experience and knowledge, education examples, and a possibility to try out and get involved into the learning process. The environment with an abundance of direct distractors such as plants, animals, equipment and giant machinery, laboratory equipment, museum exhibits and artefacts activates thinking and ←37 | 38→encourages learning through observation, comparison, inquiry, classification, analysis, and experimentation. The model introduces the potential age groups of tourists, thus partly predefining the intended results of a selected travel or programme (Ritche et al., 2003; Vangas-Sánchez et al., 2009). For higher efficiency, it is important to make the tourist see and understand the difference between the experience of everyday reality and the newly created experience during the trip that is largely associated with motivation; a comprehensive discussion about the learning object; drawing conclusions, explaining the process, and creating rules/theories; and trying out and personally outliving the newly constructed experience.

Speaking about children and students, it is understandable that motivation and willingness to learn are not always a given priority; therefore, particular attention is allotted to the teacher or trip/education guide or leader. In this case, children and students broaden their knowledge in different fields important for learning at school or university/college studies, such as project preparation or group work; planning and implementation of experiments; nature preservation and sustainable consumption; interest in culture, history, and nature; and finally, interest in science and research. Moreover, it is important to remember that the goals of formal and non-formal education, as well as the elements of the learning process, are not identical.

As far as the goals of non-formal education are concerned, educational tourism should focus on constructing personal knowledge and experience while travelling and getting familiarised with objects and places. Meanwhile, formal education is more associated with the credit system, curriculum, and education content goals. Learning methods largely differ in the process of formal and non-formal education.

Different authors emphasise that it is highly important to combine nature and experience of the activity. Since education is largely associated with constructivism, it should embrace both formal and non-formal education, thus promoting continuous learning in an educational establishment, learning outside school, and using technologies in the learning process. In the process of educational tourism, organisation, and cognition, the most frequently applied learning methods are the ones that encourage engagement through active participation and application of transformative learning principles (Pitman et al., 2010; Dobrila, Sladjana & Maja, 2018; Dorfsman & Horenczyk, 2018): ←38 | 39→

  • In formal education, the proposed methods include: regular lessons (preschools, schools and universities), thematic days, integrated thematic days, projects, ecological fieldwork, extra-curricular activities, study visits, research camps, summer and winter holidays research laboratory, visiting scholars, academic research programmes.
  • In non-formal education, the proposed methods are: workshops (art, science, education, sport, psychology), conferences, study tours, sports and recreation activities, environment and humanitarian action, projects by NGOs, local community projects, education projects.

It shows that the content of educational tourism is clearly defined by focusing on the age group, the set goals, measurable results, or on the planned route/education topic, and the industry branch/objects of industrial heritage and the landscape are means for implementing the planned curriculum (McGladdery & Lubbe, 2017; Dobrila et al., 2018).

Alongside with the demand for learning and engagement, primary and secondary elements of the engagement into the learning process and experiencing are identified: the primary ones include culture and industrialisation objects, events, festivals, physical, social and cultural meeting points (heritage objects, museums, monuments, parks, zoos, laboratories, reservations, objects of archaeological excavations), and the secondary ones cover places meant for recreation (film spots, theatre, outdoor workshops, exhibitions, festivals, concerts, play like historical narratives). In this case, a tourist/visitor generally takes interest in the historical narrative of the place, the “reconstructed” industrial cities, waterfront developments, arts expression of the place, shopping and nightlife possibilities, convenient destination, and safe car parking (Murphy and Boyle, 2005). It should be taken into consideration that today the tourist is educated, has developed skills of analytical thinking, gets higher income, demonstrates exceptional interest in the visited site or object, and has a stronger connection with the visited location (McGladdery & Lubbe, 2017; Szromek & Herman, 2019).

Therefore, it is possible to claim that when trying to analyse the elements of educational tourism associated with heritage objects, it is difficult to define a clearly unified set of criteria encouraging the cognition and engagement in the learning process. Therefore, some authors (Murphy and Boyle, 2005; Vangas-Sánchez et al., 2009; Storm, 2014; Sharma, 2015; Loures, 2016) propose choosing an appropriate set from the available evaluation elements that would comply with the general conception of researchers and process organisers (see Fig. 5).

Fig. 5:Elements of analysing sustainable and long-term heritage including educational tourism (adapted from Murphy & Boyle, 2005; Vangas-Sánchez et al., 2009; Storm, 2014; Sharma, 2015; Loures, 2016; Sutestad & Mosler, 2016) ←39 | 40→

In summing up this section, it should be noted that the main goal of educational tourism is to direct people towards self-dependent learning, which depending on the age group, encourages the selection of a deliberate object or location to be explored and to seek not only knowledge, but also new experience based on personal motivation and personal experience. The new experience and new knowledge are constructed on the basis of the educational programme or the activity proposed by an educator/expert. Educational tourism gives a possibility to acquire new experience interacting with the real world outside school, or to create a space for unpredictability, experimentation, and real-time problem solving while travelling and exploring a place, object, or landscape.

Methodology Part 3: Presentation of the Research Method of Case Study

In order to understand and evaluate the changing locations and industrial cities affected by industrialisation, this study aims to answer the following questions based on the case of Ruhr area in Germany: how have the objects changed? What are the reasons for the change? What processes indicate that the transformation is taking place? In addition, the research aims to highlight the importance of educational tourism in newly revived industrial objects. The research data are presented using the descriptive type of a case study (Yin, 2003; Baxter & Jack, 2008), and focuses on the description of the area and objects, as well as identification of the changes (see Fig. 6).

The research begins with literature analysis that highlights the key aspects relevant to the review and analysis of places affected by industrialisation in relation to educational tourism. Authentic and unique objects in the Ruhr area in Germany were selected and visited by the author of the study from late January to early February 2019, namely, the Landschaftspark DuisburgNord in Duisburg, Zollern Colliery in Dortmund; World Heritage Site Zollverein Coal Mine Industrial Complex and Ruhr Museum in Essen; German Mining ←40 | 41→Museum in Bochum. Relevant information about the objects and the city, the transformation process, and changes were transcribed according to the above-mentioned aspects during the trip. Furthermore, the case study focuses on critical events that inspired the need for change, the nature of development, the distinctive features of the city and objects that were to be replaced, and emotions and experiences of educational tourism.

Fig. 6:Methodological diagram (Capelo et al., 2011; Loures et al., 2017)

The Ruhr area in Germany is one of the most representative projects concerning industrial objects adapted to cultural spaces and recreational areas. This is a good example of sustainable development since tourism in this region serves as a tool for the revitalisation of the industrial heritage and landscape conservation. The areas of coal mines and factories have been transformed into galleries, museums, music spaces, recreational areas, and green sustainable spaces. The former industrial region has changed its image and become an important tourist destination with an emphasis on culture and educational tourism. The transformation of the Ruhr area in Germany through industrial heritage and educational tourism is presented as an ERIH project (European Route of Industrial Heritage). The aim of this project is to create a brand of industrial heritage tourism that could be used across Europe. Certain aspects of the German experience could be applied in similar zones or regions, such as the INPP and Visaginas Nuclear City.←41 | 42→

Part 4. Presentation of the Research: The Case of the Ruhr Area Transformation in Germany

The Ruhr area is famous for its huge coal deposits and industrial history of coal mining and steel production. However, by the end of 1950, the coal mining industry was hit by the crisis and due to the increasing competition from the gas and oil industries, a wave of closures of coal mines and coal refineries broke out. Shortly afterwards (early 1970s), there was a crisis in oil industry which also hit the region hard. These events can be referred to as the critical events that led to a recession and a wave of closures. Of the nearly 200 mines in operation at the beginning of the century, this number fell to 125 in 1960 and plummeted to 29 in 1980. The number of workers in the mines decreased 50 percent from 1960 to 1980. The Ruhr area was referred to as a “giant” dying due to the unattractive physical space, social problems, negative image, soil contamination, mass unemployment, and limited opportunities to be reemployed in another sector of the labour market. In general, this region symbolised an economic recession.

Consequently, both politicians and business representatives understood the complexity of the situation and agreed that the change was needed. In this case, it is pertinent to mention that the re-structuring programme started (1989–1990) upon the call from the Ministry of Urban Development, Housing and Transport in the North Rhine Westphalia and targeted all sectors encouraging the submission of various restructuring project proposals. It is noteworthy that the decision to develop a new joint project for the revitalisation of the region consisting of many individual projects was advantageous in that different participants could express their ideas and present their visions. In general, the programme was initially based on the 80-kilometre landscape park along the Emscher River. At the time of the German reunification in 1990, this region was not the weakest part, but the programme was not fully operational, and there were over eight thousand hectares of abandoned industrial land in the region. In fact, this was a large area that could not easily be transformed into new types of spaces or parks as it obviously required huge funds and a well-thought conception (Storm, 2014).

Today, the Ruhr area consists of a 400-kilometre stretch of “Industrial and Cultural Heritage Route”. The main goal of this immense decision was to connect the abandoned places by implementing three ideas that led to change and problem solving, namely, industrial nature, industrial heritage, and industrial art (Storm, 2014). Bogulim, Strohmeier and Lehner (2012) referred to the transformation of the region as an ascent of the “phoenix from the ashes”. Hence, after a decade, the image changed, and the region became a custodian of cultural ←42 | 43→and industrial heritage, which is something that the community members perceived as a positive transformation (Knoll, 2014). The route of industrial heritage in Ruhr now includes 10 cities with rebuilt authentic and historically important places and museums (see Fig. 7) that encourage exploration and experimentation. They include Bochum (Railway museum, Century Hall, German Mining Museum); Dortmund (Zollern colliery, Hansa Coking Plant, Westphalia Stadium); Duisburg (Inner Harbour, German Inland Waterways Museum, Landschaftspark DuisburgNord); Essen (World Heritage site Zollverein Coal Mine Industrial Complex, Villa Hügel mansion, Ruhr Museum; Gelsenkirchen (North Star Park (Nordsternpark); Veltins-Arena (Football stadium); Hagen (Hagen Open-air Museum); Hattingen (Henrichshütte Industrial Museum); Oberhausen (Gasometer exhibition centre, Rhineland Industrial Museum); Waltrop (Old ship lift, Henrichenburg boat lift); and Witten (Nachtigall Coal Mine, Muttental valley).

Authentic and unique locations showing the city’s great changes and transformations of industrial places and landscapes have been selected for the case ←43 | 44→study. They include Landschaftspark DuisburgNord in Duisburg, Zollern colliery in Dortmund; World Heritage site Zollverein Coal Mine Industrial Complex and Ruhr Museum in Essen; and German Mining Museum in Bochum (Internet resource:

Fig. 7:Route of industrial heritage (author of the photographs I. Tandzegolskienė)

Presentation of Landschaftspark DuisburgNord in Duisburg

Critical events and identification of the change: internationally, the city of Duisburg is associated with heavy industry and an inland port. Today, it is still a city strong in steel production with impressive logistics centres. In order to identify the change factors, it is important to note the recognised and popular project of the Landschaftspark DuisburgNord (see Fig. 8) in the Duisburg Ruhr region. The Duisburg Iron Plant was closed in 1985, yet it was one of the few cases where the closure was not related to the economic change and the crisis. This closure was not emotionally difficult as all the workers retained their jobs, and the entire production process “moved” into another modernised factory. The closed factory was likely to be demolished, but a local initiative group started a discussion about preserving the site and eventually a 230-hectare site was sold by the factory owner for a symbolic price to a public body acting on behalf of Duisburg. The former industrial space with abandoned blast-furnaces, moulding machines, railway lines, tall cranes, tanks, warehouses, and administrative buildings has become a part of a large-scale revitalisation and transformation. Today, it is a landscape park which amazes with its industrial history, the “domestication” of the conception of industrial nature, and the establishment of recreational areas.

Fig. 8:The closed Duisburg plant is dominated by the concept of industrial nature (author of the photograph I. Tandzegolskienė)

The model of the city image and the value of the place/object/landscape: Duisburg City is famous for its Landschaftspark DuisburgNord, which is considered a cultural and leisure park with several museums, such as German Inland Waterways Museum, Inner Harbour, and Museum of Modern Art and cycling trails such as Tiger & Turtle Magic Mountain. Like all the cities in the Ruhr area, Duisburg understood that the change was imminent and thereby became famous for cherishing its culture. Nowadays, the city can surprise by the creative reconstruction of closed objects. Apart from the former metallurgy giant which hosts one of the most beautiful industrial parks offering free movement and cultural and historical experience, the Duisburg harbour and storage facilities should also be mentioned. They have been converted into pedestrian zones and an office area. This immense project is spread over 89 ha and has the main goal: work, life, and leisure by the water. The city is also known for its cultural events taking place at the Theatre Duisburg, the Deutsche Opera ←44 | 45→am Rhein, and the Duisburg Philharmonic. Moreover, the city is known for its festivals such as the Duisburg Akzente and the Traumzeitfestival. Another cultural focus of the city is the Duisburg Film Week, which features German documentaries.

Using the scar metaphor to describe heritage: The Landschaftspark DuisburgNord has been recognised as an “abandoned” and devastated industrial site and can be described as its scar. Large and immobile buildings and the destroyed landscape are revitalised through the artificial creation of an ←45 | 46→eco-system. Travelling across the plant site or observing the landscape from the top of the observation platforms, we can see how the idea of turning gigantic installations and buildings into industrial sculptures was implemented by deliberate additional planting of vegetation around them. This is evidenced by clean water channels and agglomeration clusters, concrete partitions overgrown with green climbing plants, built-in recreation spaces, separate children’s playgrounds and elements of an eco-garden.

Examples of educational tourism and experience: The newly revitalised Landschaftspark DuisburgNord is open to all visitors and invites them to explore, discover, experience, and capture it with their cameras. The park administration offers to visit observation platforms, walk along the park paths and capture stagnant moments in the old factory, climb the blast-furnace and observe installations from above. This conception is interesting because nothing has been changed or renovated since the factory closed. Such an idea encourages learning about the past, experience changes evoked by time and nature, and provides each visitor with an opportunity to create their own story and “gather a personal bouquet of emotions”. Furthermore, this place is also known for sport and cultural events: a former gasometer has been turned into a diving facility which is open to the public and hosted by the Park Diving Club. Former ore bunkers provide walls for a number of climbing paths that are also open to the public and much used by the local division of the German Alpine Club. Visitors can participate in various educational activities: team building activities, canoeing and polo playing on an old gasometer, and activities in various workshops (blacksmithing, car making, woodworking, graffiti drawings, and photo workshops). Activities are offered to both adults and children. Cinema connoisseurs can visit the Stadtwerke-Sommerkino event, which annually attracts over 30,000 viewers of summer cinema novelties at Landschaftspark Nord, whereas the illuminations created by the world-famous lighting designer Jonathan Park immerse the night factory into an unusual sea of colours at the end of each show.

Presentation of Zollern Colliery in Dortmund

Critical events and identification of the change: The global crisis of the early 1960s and changes in the market economy affected both the region as a whole and the region of Dortmund. In 1987, the last coal mine in Dortmund was shut down, marking the end of centuries-old traditions. Another painful blow was the steel crisis due to the lowered demand for it. Despite various measures and efforts, such as structural reorganisation and merging of corporations, ←46 | 47→unemployment increased, and the region faced economic and social challenges to a stable life. During this period, the focus was on the reconstruction of the city centre and the preservation of the former industrial prosperity age. The aim was to create a unique, exciting, and travel-worthy concept of Dortmund. An important object of interest in Dortmund from the aesthetic perspective is the Zollern Colliery, the region’s model coal mine built in 1989–1904. Some buildings of the mine were interesting architectural monuments built in Art Nouveau style and designed by the renowned architect Paul Knobbe.

Following the collapse of the coal mining industry in 1960s, the Zollern Colliery was closed in 1966. The preservation of the area was influenced by the emerging new trend. Namely, the concern to preserve the memory of the working-class history and the emergence of a new type of museums: decentralised industrial museums with a social history agenda and monuments left in situ, in combination with museum exhibitions located in the former industrial buildings. The site, buildings, and equipment were preserved and included in the Westphalian Industrial Museum in 1981. The Westphalia Museum of Industry is the first and the largest industrial museum in Germany, founded in 1979. The museum includes eight industrial sites and locations in different cities in the Ruhr area: Zollern Coal Mine in Dortmund, Hannover Coal Mine in Bochum, Nightingale Mine in Witten, Henrichshutte Metallurgy in Hattingen, Henrichenburg Ship Elevator in Waltrope, the Bocholt Textile Factory, the Lage Brick Museum, and the Gernheim Glass Factory in Petershagen. The mission of the museum is to communicate, research, and preserve the culture of the industrial period. The most important exhibits in this museum are the industrial buildings turned into monuments, and the focus is on people whose lives and work have been associated with factories and mills.

The model of the city image and the value of the place/object/landscape: In the past, Dortmund was a famous city with its iron and steel plants, yet the last plant was closed in 2001. As a traditional site for mining and heavy industry in the Ruhr area, Dortmund is today a venue for culture, exhibitions, various events, and museum presentations. The industrial city became the “carrier” of history via its museums. Besides, the city is also seen as a venue for Ruhr area “domicile” jazz, world-style, and avant-garde music events. The city has also taken a turn towards cherishing culture, which is evidenced by the opera house, drama theatre, children’s and youth theatre, the newly founded children’s opera theatre, the Oswal and Adlertum museums, and the Dortmund Philharmonic. The area is also famous for other industrial heritage objects, such as the Kokerei Hansa, a museum for the presentation of the world of work. The entire history ←47 | 48→of labour and labour protection in a chronological order is presented considering technological advances, the environment, and its protection.

Using the scar metaphor to describe heritage: The object under analysis, the Zollern Colliery in Dortmund, is presented as an architectural monument and as an aesthetic place where the history of daily work is displayed and showcased through beautiful and exhilarating memories of work. Although much attention is paid to the experience and history of labour and the people who worked there, the scar metaphor is hidden under the facades of gorgeous buildings. The exhausting human labour and hard daily life is retouched by the exaltation of architectural buildings (see Fig. 9).

Fig. 9:Aesthetic value of Zollern Colliery architectural monument (author of the photograph I. Tandzegolskienė)

Examples of educational tourism and experience gained: In 1999, the Zollern Colliery started functioning as a museum of the social and cultural history of coal mining in the Ruhr area. The museum presents itself as a living ←48 | 49→industrial heritage site and a regional cultural forum. Although the branches of the museum are different, they are united by live presentation of the history of industry: history can be experienced there by weaving on the looms, laying bricks or blowing glass. The thematic division of the museum exposition is in line with its mission (“to communicate, explore and preserve the culture of the industrial era”) and its title (Ruhr Museum of the Social and Cultural History). It emphasises not only the political-economic history of industrialisation, but also the daily life of miners and their families, their work, lifestyle, fashion, and leisure; as well as the political safety, hygiene, and other realities of miners. Alongside traditional museum exhibits (authentic objects, texts, photographs, videos, hands-on installations), there is a wealth of experiential activities: the visitors can go down into the cellars and experience the darkness of a coal mine, or they can climb onto the top of the production building and admire the greatness of the surroundings. They can also experience the scope and magnificence of production in the engine building because the original equipment was left in a giant empty space or can sit in a tiny coal-miners’ wagon. The exhibition combines the presentation of the official historical information with a personalised narrative. An example is the “student Franz” who is a guide for children. The cardboard student Franz takes part in a special storytelling for children and appears in both production buildings and throughout exhibitions. Another example could be biographical objects and the life stories of concrete people. History is brought closer to visitors’ lives through participation in shared human experiences that lead to involvement in learning.

Furthermore, science is represented in the Ruhr Museum of Social and Cultural History at the Zollern Colliery and reflects the features of a contemporary science museum. The narrative lines of the museum’s exposition do not tell the immanent history of industrialisation (historical circumstances, economics, owners, development of the construction, coal mining industry). Rather, the exposition is clearly linked to the socio-cultural, economic, and historical context of the region. The museum raises questions about the dark sides of industrialisation (labour, exploitation, living and working conditions, disasters). The displays present industrialisation in an open, non-historical narrative, pointing to the different components of the phenomenon – work, everyday life, leisure, machinery, technical process, and architecture. Industrialisation is closely linked to the history of labour but avoids displaying “labour without workers” (where only the machinery and the production process are presented) and does vice versa – people are at the centre of the narrative.←49 | 50→

Presentation of the World Heritage Site Zollverein Coal Mine Industrial Complex in Essen

Critical events and identification of the change: Essen has been known since the 19th century for its iron mines and industrial structures which occupied an area of 35 hectares. Although this period of industry and industrialisation is an issue of the past, industrial heritage still shapes the city. Closed mines and factories give the city its uniqueness and tell an enticing story. The Ruhr Museum in Essen was founded in 1904 as a museum of nature, history, and art. It was moved to a transformed coal mine building in 2010 (the authors of the transformation: Office for Metropolitan Architecture/Heinrich Boll and Hans Krabel). What makes this museum unique is that it presents not only the history of industrialisation, but also the natural and cultural history of the entire region from the geological period to the present day. Since 2001, World Heritage Site Zollverein Coal Mine Industrial Complex has been listed in the UNESCO World Heritage Sites. The mine is considered to be the centrepiece of the Route of Industrial Heritage and attracts more than 1.5 million visitors each year. The complex is unique as it dates back to the 19th century and reminds us of the building’s magnificent existence (in 1970 it was the largest and the most modern industrial site in Europe). The year 1986 marked the end of this giant’s life. The continuity of the complex was foreseen immediately after the closure, and the reconstruction work started in 1990. This is how the Ruhr Museum was opened in the coal-washing building, the Red Dot design centre was established in the boiler and a casino in the low-pressure compressor building. The World Heritage Site at the Zollverein Coal Mine Industrial Complex has spaces for artists, local salespersons, an ice arena, a swimming pool, a conference room, and a restaurant complex.

The model of the city image and the value of the place/object/landscape: Iron and steel used to be important in this city, but today it is admired for unconventional artistic solutions, museums, and art spaces. As an example, the Kulturpfad cultural trail is covered with blue stones. The trail stretches for 4 kilometres with 372 blue signs pointing to the 82 Stadtzeichen symbols of the city. They highlight the extraordinary architecture and public spaces that are adapted for arts and invite visitors to wonder, engage, and discuss. The city attracts by its cultural objects, such as the Poster Museum hosting a collection of more than 350,000 posters from the political, business, and cultural spheres, while largely focusing on documenting German poster design in the European context. Moreover, it attracts visitors by the Lichtburg Cinema, which is the largest cinema hall in Germany and also the oldest cinema still showing films. ←50 | 51→Every year at the beginning of the summer, the Kulturpfad Fest is held in Essen with performances by music, theatre, and light professionals.

Using the scar metaphor to describe heritage: When reflecting on the Zollverein Coal Mine Industrial Complex, it is possible to talk about large structures, gigantic installations, and a fairly large area which was dedicated to industrial development. The size of the site itself and the visible devastation of nature can be described as a scar here. The inefficient buildings were “revived” and identified as necessary. They were resurrected as spaces that serve art, entertainment, and historical memory. The museum focuses on the activities which are very diverse and dedicated to exploring the region and preserving memory. The conception of the museum is focused on aesthetics and presentation of culture and education, based on various means (photography, short film screenings, artefacts, virtual maps, installations, visualisations).

Examples of educational tourism and experience: The Ruhr museum is founded in Zollvere in Coal Mine Industrial Complex. The main mission of the museum is to serve as a place of remembrance for the region. The Ruhr Museum is considered one of the first museums in Germany to combine the history of industrialisation with the theme of everyday life and social history. The museum’s exposition is divided into three main themes: “the Present”, “the Memory”, and “the History.” These themes, in turn, fall into subtler narratives. “The Present” introduces myths and stereotypes about the Ruhr region through such topics as work, solidarity, or homeland. In the section “Phenomena”, the visitors can get acquainted with the ethnic and linguistic composition of the region’s inhabitants, their hobbies, pets, small architecture (kiosks), leisure, culture, “industrial” nature, and the sounds and smells that are typical to the region. The narrative of the exhibition is complemented by a personalised way of presenting the story: talking to three “heroes” about what they value in the region. The second part of “the Present” is entitled “Time Stamps”. In this section, natural objects (fossils, minerals) and “biographical objects” brought by people are displayed next to each other along special stories told about them. They present a map of modern collective memory.

“The Memory” exposition tells the geological, biological, archaeological, and cultural history of the region from ancient times to the present. It presents historical periods (Bronze Age, Stone Age, etc.); cultural movements (Reformation, Enlightenment, etc.); and various geological, archaeological, and cultural collections. “The History” exposition displays the history of industrialisation in the Ruhr region from the 19th century to the present day. This narrative is constructed on the basis of dramaturgical principles: prologue (history of the geological strata of the region), beginnings (1750–1830), fossils, technical ←51 | 52→innovations (1830–1870), the rise (politics and business 1870–1914), urbanisation (1914–1957), and transformations (1957–2010).

In addition, temporary exhibitions are held alongside the permanent exposition of the museum. The museum also offers “Coal Road” tours, where visitors have an opportunity to visit a coal processing plant with a guide and walk the coal mining and processing path in an industrial building that has been preserved in the same condition as it was left by the last miners in 1986. The thematic division of the museum exposition is in line with the aim of the museum’s mission – to become the site of regional memory as it encompasses the whole of the region’s history.

The museum’s exposition combines learning and entertainment. The exposition presents a variety of exhibits: authentic artefacts (old industrial installations, biological, geological, cultural objects), art works, photographs, stories, video material, explanatory texts, sound and scent installations, and information terminals. It is important that exhibits from the museum’s collections are displayed alongside with “biographical objects” that tell the story of everyday life. This way they combine natural and cultural history as well as historical facts and personal narratives of people. Leisure learning is illustrated by experiential activities, such as the “coal path” excursion and the opportunity to climb to the 45-metre height to admire the surroundings. The representation of science at the Ruhr Museum reflects the features of a contemporary science museum. The narrative lines of the museum’s exposition do not emphasise the history of the industrialisation development but relate it to the natural, economic, social, and cultural processes of the region. The exposition presents industrialisation through its impact on nature and human life. The exhibition links the processes of industrialisation to the experiences of visitors through biographical and everyday stories. The Ruhr Museum focuses on audiences of different ages. Experiential activities are more focused on older high school children and young adults.

The authentic environment and the preserved equipment may interest science and technology admirers. Additional activities offered by the museum include a café and restaurant, an entertainment complex, and a variety of cultural events aimed at families who come here for longer periods of time. The Ruhr Museum uses various models of active learning: from interactive facilities, authentic artefacts, atmosphere of authentic environment to experiential activities, a factory tour, and information terminals. Emphasis is placed on aesthetic experience: smells, sounds, and theatrical atmosphere that is designed with the help of installations, colours, lighting, etc.←52 | 53→

Presentation of German Mining Museum in Bochum

Critical events and identification of the change: The “golden age” of Bochum refers to the 19th century, when the Association for Mining and Steel Casting was established. A hundred years later, unfortunately, the first mines and pits were closed. One of the vital decisions of the post-war period was the establishment of the Ruhr University, which is currently one of the largest universities in Germany. This decision allowed the region to acquire a new role of an innovator in economic services, logistics, and healthcare. The Eisenbahnmuseum Bochum Railway Museum and the Deutsche Bergbau Museum, the German Mining Museum, are the reminders of coal mining and production facilities today. The German Mining Museum is one of the eight museums in Germany associated with archiving coal mining documents and recording historical industrial developments. The museum was founded and opened in 1930 in a former meat processing plant. In 2009, new buildings were erected by the industrialist architect Fritz Schupp, who converted the Essen coal plant into a museum.

The model of the city image and the value of the place/object/landscape: Nowadays, no one denies Bochum’s past – it is presented as part of heritage and an example of great strategic planning that shows how an industrial city can become a cultural centre. Over 400,000 visitors annually descend to the museum grounds first and then ascend to a 63-metre-high supply tower overlooking Bochum and providing magnificent views. The beginning of the change was difficult because coal mining became unpopular in the 1960s, and the entire region had to be reborn immediately, literally overnight. With the establishment of the Ruhr University, which was run by different leaders at different stages (Peter Zadek, Claus Peymann and Leander Haußmann), and which became one of the best higher education institutions in the region, the Bochumer Schauspielhaus (Bochum Academic Theatre), the most innovative and radical theatre in Germany emerged alongside. Major international events, such as the Ruhr Triennial, the Klavier-Festival Ruhr, and the Ruhr Festivals have made the region one of the most picturesque cultural landscapes in the whole continent. With Bochum becoming the European Capital of Culture (RUHR, 2010), this new identity has become the symbol of the city: change through culture and culture through change where industrial installations have become new scenes for interesting and exciting art. The idyll of the Ruhr Region includes Dahlhauser Settlement in Heid and Miners Settlement in Bochum. The Dahlhauser in Heid was founded in 1906–1915 as an exemplary colony of workers in the adjacent Hanover pit. Also known as the Kappeskolonie, the ←53 | 54→settlement is among the most beautiful in the Ruhr region. It was designed and built as a green settlement by Robert Schmoll, the architect of the industrialist Krup family.

Using the scar metaphor to describe heritage: The analysis of this object reveals that the city itself can be distinguished as a large cultural centre which created its own traditions and new experiences. The history of industrial heritage and the changes that have taken place throughout this period are preserved and recorded in the city Museum. The suspension of the activities in the region, and the closure of mines and pits, can be considered as a scar of this region. The museum collects all the information about the period of stagnation in the region and depicts the nature of labour in the simulator, yet only the beautiful side of the story is visible. The other side of the story is presented with caution. This implies that the history of mining and coal mining is a thing of the past, and the focus is on the search for and creation of a new identity.

Examples of educational tourism and experience: The German Mining Museum invites the visitors to experience the subtleties of the mining world by visiting a 20-metre-deep demonstration mine with a guide underneath the museum. The route extends for about 2.5 km, where one can see the working routine of the miner as well as the tools and impressive machinery. The simulated experiential journey begins in the elevator descending at high speeds, thus allowing visitors to experience the vibrations and the noise. The narrator plays a very important role because the tour guide immerses visitors in the chronological events, which show the historical changes of tools and the work process, the use of tools and principles of machinery work, the everyday life and labour of workers, and the advantages of the latest industrial machinery. Thus, from the very beginning of the journey, the visitor is introduced to the first anchorage elements, the need for a horse as a vehicle, the train path, various drilling machines, and modern equipment. The route offers a powerful experience with the possibility of touching, testing, and discussing with the tour guide.

Since July 2019, the museum has been offering visitors a revitalised exposition that covers four themes: coal, mining, natural resources, and art. The first theme focuses on the history of the German coal industry. The second theme deals with the history of materials’ science, mining, and industrialisation. The third theme presents natural resources, which are of immense benefit to humans today. The exhibits are presented using artefacts, laboratories, and installations. The exposition of the fourth theme presents mining peculiarities, where the scope of presentation ranges from artists’ works to sculptures, paintings, and craft objects. The museum focuses on all age groups, creating ←54 | 55→a variety of options for experiential and new knowledge construction. In addition, students are offered various workshops like Coal Mining, Stone – a Window into the Past, Mining Yesterday and Today, How to Get Coal, and others.

After analysing industrial heritage and post-industrial landscape preservation, urban transformation, and heritage/landscape adaptation opportunities for new functioning, it is important to discuss a complex transformation at the cultural, historical, social, aesthetic, and ecological level, where planning and publicising cultural events as well as raising awareness of educational tourism at the local, regional and international levels are considered the key elements for change.

The presented cities focus on the socio-cultural context: theatre and opera performances, music festivals, various concerts, and cinema events; the historical context covers the use of museums and heritage spaces for meetings, concerts, and creative artistic solutions; whereas the ecological context embraces revitalisation of the landscape through creation of leisure areas, experiential paths, elements of eco-gardening, the use of water bodies and reservoirs for walking and recreation areas, and education. The city government, business, various public organisations, and community members could be involved in the project developing a new concept and restoring industrial heritage and the post-industrial landscape, thus ensuring creative and innovative ideas and public dialogue. According to Strom (2014) both Swedish and German strategies are similar in that the transformation process focuses on cultural and economic development. It is important that industrial heritage sites in this region are often associated with the preservation of heritage, values, and remembrance.

The Industrial Heritage in the Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant Region and Visaginas City

The case of the transformation of Ruhr area in Germany discussed above helps to acquire ideas and experience for the principles of possible identification of the value of industrial heritage in Lithuania. It would also be possible to use the metaphor of scarring to identify, discuss, and describe the visible, felt, or forgotten scars. The presented stages of industrial heritage construction development could also be used to transform and give meaning to objects, sites, or the landscape.

The city of Visaginas and the INPP, which is currently closed, are a distinctive example of industrialisation and “lost utopia” (Storm, 2014). Atomic ←55 | 56→Visaginas city is a relatively young urban settlement founded in 1975 as a satellite to the INPP. Visaginas is an example of a city, the dominant sections of which were constructed to form habitats under the Soviet social paradigm. Most of the inhabitants were Russian speakers from other Soviet Socialist Republics. During the construction of the INPP, non-Lithuanian speaking highly educated persons moved to the area for work reasons, and the town of Visaginas was built to accommodate them. INPP is a closed nuclear plant consisting of two modules RBMK-1500 built close to the Visaginas City (Lithuania). Ignalina NPP decommissioning project includes decommissioning of Unit 1 and 2 and auxiliary facilities. The process is divided into two phases. The first phase started in 2004 and continued until 2013. The second phase was scheduled for 2014–2029. By 2030, the site of the two reactors should have been ready for re-use. All the decommissioning activities are planned to be finished by 2038.

The city of Visaginas, which is referred to as “the city of Lithuania, the avant-garde of high technologies” (Šliavaitė, 2010:99) in the Visaginas City Development Programme for 2001–2030, evolved from scratch: people, construction, and building materials for the city and the INPP. The older population of Visaginas remembers the construction period as very socially and economically beneficial to the country (the Soviet Union is meant), and even to a certain extent as a heroic period of their life (Šliavaitė, 2010). The future residents of the Visaginas City came from various parts of the large country and were promised an urban lifestyle – new dwellings in blocks of flats, cinemas, schools, a medical centre, and stable jobs at the INPP. The artificially formed sense of identity in this type of a city is difficult to replicate in other cities as it evolved and changed. People there had to learn to live together and to adapt to one another. The mother tongue of many Visaginas residents is Russian. The population consists of builders, engineers and physicists, and high-quality specialists who came to work at the nuclear power plant and who stayed in Lithuania after 1991. This again demonstrates the authenticity of the city because its people developed a collective attitude where the material reality is less important than the pursuit and promotion of the common goal. Unlike in the West, however, the vision of the collective spirit of a Soviet industrial city was carefully designed and controlled by the state and responsible institutions and in many cases was dependent on the state’s political and economic strategy (Pusca, 2010). The collapse of this system, and the change in the economic situation led to a change in attitudes towards collective identity largely attributable to the exaltation of the work process, heroism, and five-year plans. Thus, political and economic changes can be described as a scar in the sense of energy security and in relation to the INPP, which are closely related to the city of Visaginas. The German ←56 | 57→scholar Ackermann (2017:280) aptly describes cardinal changes and context changes: “The most important decisions regarding the nuclear power plant were made in Moscow up to 1990. Since 2004, the bureaucrats in Brussels have been answering the most important questions about the power plant, as the closure of both reactors costing billions of Euros is only possible with EU support.”

The critical discourse analysis performed by the authors Mažeikienė, Kasperiūnienė and Tandzegolskienė (2018) highlights the main themes discussed in the media describing the work of INPP decommissioning and dismantling. Namely, the most frequently discussed issues are decommissioning management problems, terms of waste repository installation, decommissioning complex and complicated processes such as the provision of a funding mechanism, cases of the lack of transparency at the INPP, and the persistent lack of information on the ongoing work and its safety. Meanwhile, Visaginas, which was built for the continuous and stable operation of the INPP, is mentioned much less in the media and is not associated with the INPP as an object adjacent to the city. The main themes of media coverage on Visaginas include the search for the urban identity and various cultural events, new professional discoveries of the city residents, and strategic considerations of attracting external investors. The city is often referred to as a dead city that is always seeking for its own identity and a new face.

The suspension of the reactors marked the decline of this industrial city and prompted the search for a new identity. Now it is important for this city to develop a strategy for some space and something new that can attract tourists/visitors while preserving actual formal spaces, restoring new similar spaces, and creating a lasting memory of the city and its industrial heritage and landscape. Meanwhile, the closure of the INPP creates a new narrative that is associated to “gate closure”, job losses, destruction of the structures, destruction of the inventory, “scattering” of the local community identity, and more dramatically, INPP is not currently engaged in a mutual dialogue on a coherent and sustainable search for and creation of a common conception of the city and the region. Considering the changes in the city, it is possible to maintain that the history of the city attracts artists and scholars. Annual events are currently organised in the city: Visaginas city festival “Celebrate Visaginas”, Country Music Festival, International Festival of National Cultures “Rudeninė”. Scientists work on various projects in Visaginas and search for answers and changes in the identity of the industrial city. One of the most famous is the Laboratory of Critical Urbanism by Ackerman, Cope and Liubimau (2016) that receives support from the German Embassy. Researchers of Vytautas Magnus University also carry ←57 | 58→out a project in this region; its title is linked with the search for the opportunities to develop nuclear educational tourism in the region (EDUTOM project).

An interesting photographic project “Babochka” (Photographer Jonty Tacon) aims to present the idea of a Soviet nuclear power plant by capturing the exotics of the past idea, the realities of the present moments during the closure of the plant, the need to separate the city from the “atomgrad” conception, and the disintegration of the community identity. The mood of the city and the community during the closure of the INPP are reflected in the documentary “Butterfly City” (Olga Černovaitė). It raises discussion on the problems, changes, and visions of the Visaginas residents in the context of the INPP closure. Additionally, the play “Green Grass” was created based on the stories of the INPP and Visaginas and told by the residents and INPP workers. It was successfully shown in Visaginas and other cities. The directors Jon Tertel and Kristina Werner represent the idea of INPP workers and residents of Visaginas who ultimately dream about dismantling of the power plant until all the turbines are cut, the reactors dismantled and the radioactive fuel buried, and nothing is left in the place of the plant except a green lawn.

The INPP dismantling can be observed on the monitor in the information centre of the Power Plant. It is also possible to see the dismantling project and obtain information on the work progress from the professional staff of the communications department. Interestingly, after the release of the film about Chernobyl, the flow of tourists to the power plant increased as the previous model of the Reaktor bolshoy moshchnosty kanalny (RBMK) reactor was assembled in Chernobyl, and some scenes of the film were filmed on the premises of that power plant.

During the presentation, one can discover that the city is looking for a new face and is on the right path in doing so in the cultural context as illustrated by the examples described. Besides, it is possible to distinguish the authenticity of the city in that it is multicultural and because it is located on the shore of the lake. Although this is typical of industrial structures, the pine forest gives the city a green face. Hence, another potential element of the transformation is the ecological context which is highly welcomed at the political and community level in the city. However, the historical context as an integral part of the transformation plays an important role in constructing the new identity of the industrial city and the post-industrial landscape. The exhibits or heritage objects of the city and the INPP should have common spaces and a clear narrative line. Moreover, it is advisable to plan educational tourism programmes at both formal and non-formal education levels. The main themes that can be introduced in educational tourism could include: ←58 | 59→

  • Interesting and inspiring stories from the early days of industry to the present day;
  • The emergence and development of creative and attractive places;
  • History of local identity formation;
  • Themes on the authenticity of the area developed on the basis of cultural events;
  • Educational lectures, field workshops, laboratory work, and simulations as an opportunity for different age groups to know the history of the atom;
  • The city in the form of a butterfly, distinguishing authenticity;
  • Tourism development based on the film industry;
  • Gastronomy and heritage.

The provided example of the Ruhr area in Germany demonstrates that critical moments of change encourage the search for new strategies through collaboration between different organisations and stakeholders, bringing together certain elements of the transformation with clear objects and processes. An example is the “Kulturpfad” blue stones of the Essen City Cultural Trail, which loudly announces that the city focuses on cultural symbols and the opportunity to explore the city through culture. The INPP secrets and the past history if rebuilt and revived could be associated with the goals of educational tourism. Furthermore, in collaboration with urban activists, politicians, and the community, a common and uniform conception of urban and regional industrial heritage and post-industrial landscape could be formed. Murphy and Boyle (2005) emphasise community engagement. In the case of the city of Visaginas, this initiative is gaining strength and is a significant condition for the city to change its identity. It would be desirable to look for the uniqueness of the city and the area linking it to specific places, projects, and people’s experiences.


The industrial changes have led to radical processes of the revitalisation of industrial objects, as well as urban and post-industrial landscapes that are associated with identity rethinking, transformation, denial, forgetfulness, or decline. This is not an easy process because on one hand, it involves searching for a new narrative seeking to preserve the past experiences and scars and on the other demonstrating that forgetting or reviving are not easy processes. In the analysed regions and areas, the transformations have been largely affected by the social identity formation. This revival is observed through nostalgia, retreat and default, which inspire new value and refocus. Therefore, Lithuania ←59 | 60→does not intend to attach itself to industrial heritage objects as they are associated with negative and painful experiences that serve as reminiscences of utopian goals and large constructions, hard and pointless work, and typical and unified architecture. Industrial heritage objects and distorted landscapes also presuppose discussion on the scars of industrial revolution that exist and manifest themselves through landscape devastation, urbanisation, and the gigantic nature and inefficiency of factories and plants. Such scars are most acceptable because they identify the cause and aim of revitalising the landscape, the city, and the objects themselves. Regarding these scars, the revitalisation of the landscape or object is attempted to be embedded in buildings, stories, or interesting structures by slightly covering or retouching the pain. It is a bit harder for objects to be labelled as industrial heritage scars that resemble a certain historical period, when a place, a particular object, or landscape is romanticised, yet at the same time frighten us with the remaining heavy ruins. The third form of the scar includes objects, locations, or landscapes that are not perceived and identified as part of a cultural object. Consequently, there is a danger of collapse, forgetfulness, and difficult search for own identity. By reconstructing the identity of a place, city, or object and creating the memory of a place of industrial heritage, industrial culture telling about community traditions, values, and customs is also created; it is associated with an epoch of industrial prosperity created by regional identities and symbols; give local residents and newcomers an opportunity to participate in the region’s memory preservation and in the process of search for identity.

Industrial heritage objects are part of the cultural heritage, which implies that it is important to preserve industrial heritage to society. The constructivist philosophical approach encourages discussion on the construction of a relationship through the narratives of history and everyday life, the demonstration of objects through archival data, and authentic stories and installations that link the experience of the past to the present. During an experiential trip to these objects, tourists/visitors can learn from the scar metaphor either consciously or subconsciously and seek an emotional connection to the location or object. Industrial heritage objects or post-industrial landscapes attract tourists/visitors as they symbolise the recent past. They bring them back to remembrance and allow them to gain experience using the available tools of experiential learning. These places and objects offer experiential learning opportunities and experiences that help analyse unconventional solutions by viewing artefacts, listening to stories, or studying constructions of the atypical architectural decisions through innovative educational, leisure, and experiential programmes.

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