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Formal Description of Slavic Languages: The Ninth Conference

Proceedings of FDSL 9, Göttingen 2011

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Edited By Uwe Junghanns, Dorothee Fehrmann, Denisa Lenertová and Hagen Pitsch

This volume contains a selection of thoroughly revised contributions to the 9th European Conference on Formal Description of Slavic Languages. The authors apply recent formal models in linguistics to issues concerning the lexicon, morphology, syntax, semantics, information structure, and phonology in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian, Bulgarian, Czech, Polish, Russian, and Slovenian. Topics of the papers include aspect and tense, axial expressions, case, control, copula, ditransitives, focus particles, indefiniteness, infinitives, nominal phrases, numerals, temporal adverbials, trochaic lengthening, and verb stems. The papers aim at proposing both descriptively accurate and explanatorily adequate analyses, considering all linguistic levels and interfaces. Due to its analytical scope and the broad spectrum of languages covered, the volume reflects the state of the art in current formal Slavic linguistics.

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Mojmír Dočekal: What Do We Count With Numerals? Semantic Analysis of Czech Kind-denoting and Group-denoting NPs

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What Do We Count With Numerals? Semantic Analysis of Czech Kind-denoting and Group-denoting NPs* Mojmír Dočekal Masaryk University, Brno Abstract I show how distinct derivational suffixes change the meaning of the numerals which they combine with. I describe four classes of Czech numerals and their inner semantic make-up. The analysis uses formal semantic frameworks of Landman (2000) and Chierchia (1998). 1 Introduction This paper provides evidence that Czech derivational morphology displays two type shifting operators – the group-forming and the kind-forming operator – postulated in the plurality (Landman 2000, a.o.) and kind-oriented semantic frameworks (Chierchia 1998, a.o.). The crucial piece of evidence comes from derivational morphology processes in Czech, namely from numeral classes. 2 Data Czech has a productive system of semantically driven derivational morphology for numerals. In this paper I examine four classes of Czech numerals: (i) basic numerals (e.g., dv-a klíče ‘two keys’ – morphological formation: root-inflectional_marker (case, gender agreement with the head noun)), (ii) numerals with the suffix -e (e.g., dv-oj-e klíče ‘two bunches of keys’ – morphological formation: [root+non cardinal stem+derivational suffix] (case, gender agreement with head noun)), (iii) numerals with the suffix -ice (e.g., dv-oj-ice mužů ‘a group of two men’ – morphologically composed of: root+non cardinal stem + derivational_suffix (without agreement with head noun)) and (iv) numerals with the suffix -í (e.g., dv-oj-í housle ‘two kinds of violin’ – morphologically composed of: root-non_cardinal_stem-derivational_suffix (case, gender agreement with head noun)). * I would like to thank especially two anonymous reviewers, Jakub Dotlačil...

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