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Formal Description of Slavic Languages: The Ninth Conference

Proceedings of FDSL 9, Göttingen 2011

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Edited By Uwe Junghanns, Dorothee Fehrmann, Denisa Lenertová and Hagen Pitsch

This volume contains a selection of thoroughly revised contributions to the 9th European Conference on Formal Description of Slavic Languages. The authors apply recent formal models in linguistics to issues concerning the lexicon, morphology, syntax, semantics, information structure, and phonology in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian, Bulgarian, Czech, Polish, Russian, and Slovenian. Topics of the papers include aspect and tense, axial expressions, case, control, copula, ditransitives, focus particles, indefiniteness, infinitives, nominal phrases, numerals, temporal adverbials, trochaic lengthening, and verb stems. The papers aim at proposing both descriptively accurate and explanatorily adequate analyses, considering all linguistic levels and interfaces. Due to its analytical scope and the broad spectrum of languages covered, the volume reflects the state of the art in current formal Slavic linguistics.

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Hana Strachoňová: Semantic Compatibility of Two Czech Temporal Adjuncts

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Semantic Compatibility of Two Czech Temporal Adjuncts∗ Hana Strachoňová Masaryk University, Brno Abstract This paper shows that the negative polarity analysis of Czech temporal adjuncts -TAs (až do ‘until’ + NP_GEN and nejméně ‘at least’ + NP_ACC) is wrong. I provide a new approach and I claim that TAs are subject to the homogeneity requirement for the predicate: only homogeneous predicates allow TAs. I support my hypothesis by classified data from the Czech National Corpus. 1 Introduction This paper provides a semantic analysis of the distribution of two Czech temporal adjuncts (TAs). It focuses on až do ‘until’ + NP_GEN and nejméně ‘at least’ + NP_ACC as illustrated in (1).1 The basic data contrast observed is the following: TAs can be combined with negated perfective predicates – (1), while their use in sentences with non-negated perfective predicates leads to ungrammaticality as in (2). (1) Petr ne-usnul až do rána / nejméně hodinu. Petr neg-fell.asleep.pf.sg prt2 until morning.gen at.least hour.acc ‘Petr didn’t fall asleep until morning / for at least one hour.’ (2) Petr usnul (*až do rána / *nejméně hodinu). Petr fell.asleep.pf.sg prt until morning at.least hour ‘Petr fell asleep.’ (TAs ‘until morning’ / ‘for at least one hour’ impossible) Some researches have argued that the contrast for Slavic languages can be explained by the negative polarity nature of TAs: TAs behave as negative polarity items (NPIs), that is why their use in sentences with non-negated ∗ I would like...

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