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Slavic Grammar from a Formal Perspective

The 10th Anniversary FDSL Conference, Leipzig 2013


Edited By Gerhild Zybatow, Petr Biskup, Marcel Guhl, Claudia Hurtig, Olav Mueller-Reichau and Maria Yastrebova

The proceedings of the 10 th European Conference on Formal Description of Slavic Languages in Leipzig 2013 offer current formal investigations into Slavic morphology, phonology, semantics, syntax and information structure. In addition to papers of the main conference, the volume presents those of two special workshops: «Formal Perspectives and Diachronic Change in Slavic Languages» and «Various Aspects of Heritage Language». The following languages are addressed: Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS), Bulgarian, Czech, Macedonian, Old Church Slavonic, Polish, Russian, Serbo-Croatian, Resian, Slovak and Slovene.
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Predicate clefts in Bulgarian


← 230 | 231 →Elena Karagjosova & Katja Jasinskaja

Stuttgart University Cologne University

Predicate cleft constructions (PCCs) have been observed in a number of languages, including Slavic languages (cf. e.g. Abels 2001, Aboh and Dyakonova 2009 on Russian; Bondaruk 2009 on Polish). According to Abels (2001), whose terminology we adopt here, a PCC consists of a HEAD and a BODY. The HEAD is a phrase, usually infinitival. The BODY is a finite clause whose main verb repeats the main verb of the HEAD. In languages where this construction results from VP or V movement, one refers to it as predicate fronting with doubling, where the HEAD contains the fronted copy of the verb, and the BODY the lower copy. An example of a Russian PCC is given in (1), where the first clause is the predicate cleft, and the second is a typical adversative context in which PCCs occur.


[Rabotat’ (to)]HEAD [on rabotaet]BODY, no ničego ne zarabatyvaet.

work.inf prt he work.3sg but nothing not earns

‘As for working, he does work, but he doesn’t earn anything.’

The goal of this paper is to describe predicate clefts in a language that lacks infinitives – Bulgarian. What does a predicate cleft look like if fronting an infinitival phrase is not an option? We provide an account of previously undescribed Bulgarian PCCs that are unique in their range of options for the morphosyntactic realization of HEADs. More specifically,...

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