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Linguistic Construction of Ethnic Borders

Edited By Peter Rosenberg, Konstanze Jungbluth and Dagna Zinkhahn Rhobodes

This volume focuses on the linguistic constructs involved in ethnic borders. Ethnic borders have proven themselves to be surprisingly long-lived: in nearly all European countries and beyond, border demarcation, exclusion of foreigners, and minority conflicts are some of the most persistent challenges for nations and societies. Which linguistic factors play a role in the formation of these borders, especially those drawn along ethnic lines? Which linguistic constructs contribute to the negotiation, establishment and maintenance of ethnic groups and identities? Under which conditions can processes of linguistic convergence, hybrids, or transcultural identities be observed?
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Roma school mediation in Germany – Its Effects and Limitations

Maria Klessmann

(Frankfurt/Oder)

Roma school mediation in Germany – Its Effects and Limitations

Abstract: Im Rahmen der von der EU erklärten „Dekade der Roma-Integration“, wurde im Jahr 2011 das Roma-Schulmediatoren-Programm ROMED ins Leben gerufen. Der vorliegende Artikel möchte hierzu Hintergrundinformationen zu der Umsetzung des Programms in Deutschland, dessen Wirkungsweisen und Grenzen aufzeigen und die – teils nicht eindeutige – Rolle der Mediatoren/innen näher in den Blick nehmen. Es gilt also zu fragen, warum es ein auf eine ethnische Minderheit zugeschnittenes Programm dieser Art gibt? Inwieweit es sich dabei um (klassische) Mediation handelt? Und welche diskursiven Rollenzuschreibungen sich welchen Selbstpositionierungen in den (Mediations-)Gesprächen gegenüber sehen? Diese Annäherung erfolgt einerseits anhand gesammelter Aussagen von Verantwortlichen, die mit und in dem Programm arbeiten, und andererseits entlang kurzer Ausschnitte aus dem bisher gesammelten empirischen Material für eine größere Studie, die interessante und auffällige Phänomene für das Thema dieses Artikels enthalten.

Schlagworte: (Roma-)Schulmediation, Minderheit, Ethnisierung, Rollenzuschreibungen, Selbstpositionierungen

Keywords: (Roma) School mediation, minority, ethnicization, role assignments, self-positionings

1  Preface

There is hardly any reliable data on the school situation of Roma children in Germany. The few existing studies show that Roma children suffer from experiences of discrimination in schools and struggle with high dropout rates, poor qualifications and irregular school attendance.1 German politics concerning Roma focus on access to education, access to employment, as well as to healthcare and housing.2 As Ger ← 95 | 96 → many does not compile any statistics about ethnicity, there are no reliable figures on how many Roma live in Germany, how the different origins are distributed among the Roma population in Germany, etc. For larger German cities such as Berlin, it is known that a majority of the Roma population is concentrated in districts which are among the poorest of those cities, but which „provide the informal accommodation structures for newcomers that are typical for such neighbourhoods.“3

Because in many countries Europe’s largest minority is still facing above-average poverty and discrimination, the EU declared a „Decade of Roma Inclusion“, in which many new projects were established to improve the situation of Roma. It was within this context that the Roma school mediators programme (ROMED) was established in 2011. Even prior to that training and employment of Roma mediators or assistants had already started in the 1980s and 1990s at the initiative of NGOs in countries like Spain, France, Finland and Romania.4

Based on official documents of the programme ROMED, statements of involved officials, an expert interview with one of the initiators of the programme in Berlin, and empirical data collected for a broader study within German schools, this article provides a first look at the work of Roma school mediators in Germany, its effects and limitations, and discusses some critical points in the everyday situation in German schools.5 Why is there a programme tailored to one single „ethnic group“? How does it work? What does it have to do with mediation? Is the heterogeneity of the group conceptualized in the programme, and if so, how does it influence the work of the mediators? Besides these guiding questions, different ideas towards mediation forming the everyday practice of the Roma school mediators is discussed, along with its ideas of the role of the mediators. ← 96 | 97 →

2.  Roma school mediation in Germany

School mediation is a so-called academic method of conflict settlement, and was implemented in the early 1990s in Germany. Today, almost all German Federal States work with school mediations, at least as a pilot project.6 Peer mediation, where students are trained as mediators, but also teachers and sometimes even parents and principals can take part in training courses, is currently the most common form of school mediation in German schools.7 Whereas the mediation we talk about here is characterized by the use of a third party which in most cases until then did not belong to the school system.

One of the main ideas of school mediation through the use of third parties or peer mediation is, that it should ideally ease the burden on teachers, as they no longer have to constantly appear as arbitrators.8 But, if mediation is successfully implemented in schools, this may also strengthen social skills, such as empathy, team work and communication. If the students learn to resolve conflicts by themselves, this may contribute to an increased self-esteem, as the children and young people no longer appear only as „problem-causers“, but also as „problem-solvers“.9„Successful mediation shifts competences, creates a feeling of responsibility among pupils, reduces the power differential between teachers and students and decreases the fear of conflicts and the perception of discrepancies.“10 As Schubarth and Simsa put it, school mediation has the following advantages in comparison to traditional conflict resolutions: Common or traditional ways of solving conflicts usually seek a guilty party, and, in the end, produce winners and losers. In contrast, school mediation is characterized by equality, participation and the mutual consent of interests. Differing points of view and different interests are accepted.

The European Training Programme for Roma Mediators (ROMED) started in 2011 in 15 European countries, and expanded to be implemented in 2012 in ← 97 | 98 → 20 countries. According to the latest official numbers, today about 1000 active mediators work in 22 European countries.11 Currently, about 10 Roma school mediators are working in Berlin schools; throughout Germany, between 30 and 50 mediators work specifically for members of the Roma ethnic minority. Most European countries use the term „Roma Teaching Assistant“; only seven European countries including Germany use the term Roma school mediation, whereas in Hamburg, for example, the project participants are called „Bildungsberater“, which may be translated as „educational advisor.“ This indicates the wide range of ideas which are connected with this programme and concept of work. The training and deployment of Roma school mediators in Europe is mainly based on the following arguments: especially low educational achievements of Roma in the European comparison, low participation in early childhood education, higher dropout rates and over-representation in special schools or other forms of educational segregation.

Trained mediators are mainly people with a „Roma background“, people of local Roma communities, or even non-Roma with very good knowledge of “Roma issues”, the local communities and their languages. Why especially members of the same ethnic minority are designated as school mediators is justified by the fact that “[t]hey understand both the culture and way of life of Roma communities and the way mainstream society and local administrations operate – and they know how to communicate with both.”12 Part of the work of the Roma school mediators also includes very practical support in everyday life. For example, clarification of what the children need for school and where you can conveniently get school supplies. Another important aspect is the function as “door opener” and translator. Frequently, Roma mediators have better and faster access to the children’s parents or families. It is also about monitoring and preparing home visits and interviews of teachers with parents. Roma mediators should aim to improve the attitudes of parents towards education, if necessary. This can, for example, mean improving the school attendance of children.

The programme has now been launched into the second phase. In Germany ROMED2 started at the beginning of 2015 and henceforth also coordinates so-called Community Action Groups. Thereby, the focus is not on the single mediation, but on building networks and communication structures between members ← 98 | 99 → of Roma communities and local authorities. These groups are being counselled and supported to spell out specific needs and projects which have been identified as important for their particular local groups. After elaborating the projects and ideas of the different members of the Action Groups, meetings with representatives of the city or district are arranged. This second phase is, therefore, also very problem-oriented and searching for a consensus concerning the realization of specific projects resulting from this process. In order to counter-act a possible imbalance of power when the local authorities are the decision makers, the Community Action Groups prepare themselves thoroughly and provide practical approaches to local problems which have been identified within the group.

3.  Why ethnicized mediation?

The term ‚Roma‘ is an umbrella term for a multitude of groups of people with similar cultural characteristics, such as language, culture and history. As such, Roma are not a homogenous section of the population but rather a plethora of communities with differing experiences, characteristics and customs.13

In Germany, Roma are a recognized national minority, and they can be distinguished by various national, linguistic, social and religious backgrounds. One can find the official differentiation between the German Sinti and Roma, who are a recognized national minority, and Roma refugees and immigrants, who have come to Germany from different countries for different reasons over the last fifty years. This differentiation is mainly based on history: The German Sinti have been in Germany since the 15th century, and it is estimated that today about 60,000 Sinti live in Germany. The German Roma, who number roughly 10,000, have been in Germany since the 19th century and immigrated mainly from Eastern Europe.14 During the 1960’s, labor migrants from former Yugoslavia (mainly from Serbia, Bosnia and Macedonia) immigrated to Germany. Additionally, there are Roma refugees who have come mainly from Bosnia, Serbia-Montenegro and Kosovo since the 1990s.

This rough division already reveals the heterogeneity (motives of immigration, lifestyles, etc.) of these groups, and we can also assume a wide range of different attitudes towards what it means to be Roma. Within these four groups, there are (of course) many internal differentiations, including national origin, ← 99 | 100 → religion, social status etc., so that a Community Action Group, for example, could combine people of the second generation of immigrants from Macedonia, who are German-Macedonian Muslim Sufi together with Catholic Serbs of the first generation who have been in Germany for about 10 years now.

If we look at ethnicity as a „subjectively perceived sense of belonging, based on the belief in a common culture and ancestry“15, we can ask how this dimension of belonging becomes relevant in the process of school mediation. Many scholars hold that „ethnic groups“ (Heckmann 1992, among others) have an idea of a common origin, a sense of solidarity and a shared culture and history. A collective identity therefore is based on the awareness of the group itself, and on the judgment and attribution “from outside”, from other groups.16 As the mediation in this programme is by defintion based on the idea of a collective ethnic identity, negotiating membership should play a role during the mediations and/or is a reason why it takes place.

According to a study by Hristo Kyuchukov, three different possibilities for the use of Roma mediators can be identified: First, there is the so-called “Trojan Horse”, a mediator who acts mainly as an instrument of the institution with the aim of reaching out to the community and having a positive influence on it. Second, the “community activists”, who see themselves as representatives of the community in the fight against oppression or unequal treatment of Roma, and who therefore work more against rather than for the institution. And finally, the “real intercultural mediator”, who has knowledge of the cultural codes of the community and the institution – who is impartial and focused on improving communication and cooperation between the parties. This type of mediator will encourage both sides to take responsibility and to make active changes, if needed.17

As the Roma school mediators programme aims to work with mediators from inside the community – because they can have great effects as role models and improve the outreach of the mediators programme –, it is then interesting to see how this belonging is conceptualized. Interestingly, Roma school mediation is sometimes seen as intercultural and sometimes as intracultural mediation. As intercultural ← 100 | 101 → mediation as a setting which takes place between members of different „cultures“, of different national backgrounds for example. And as intracultural mediation as a form where all parties have more or less the same cultural background. The latter implicitly works with the assumption that there must be certain commonalities belonging to one ethnic minority group. The intracultural perspective includes that this belonging is like sharing the same cultural background despite the differences of national background, religious affiliation and so forth. This idea shows parallels to the so-called “Insider Mediation”, which takes place mostly in more traditional societies and where the “Insider Mediator” is usually also rooted in the ethnic, religious or cultural structures of the social context in which the conflict is rooted.18 In other words the idea is, that Roma school mediators could help to strengthen the group feeling among Roma if they are members of the ethnic minority, and not just another social worker with any migration background. Through their education, language skills and insider knowledge, they would probably convey a certain image of their group, at least when it comes to intensive exchange in conversations. Hereby, the choice of the languages within the mediation already affects the abilities to persist in a conversation, depending on whether all parties communicate in their native language or have to use learner varieties, for example.19

According to this conceptual and factual preliminary considerations the following analytical part takes a look at the ascribed roles of the mediators and positionings within real Roma school mediation processes.

4.  On (ascribed) roles of Roma school mediators

Generally speaking mediation is often defined as a „shared conflict resolution process whereby two or more parties in dispute are assisted in their negotiation by an unbiased and objective third party“.20 But what kind of mediation do we talk ← 101 | 102 → about here? As Olivier Peyroux puts it in his article on positive discrimination and Roma school mediation: The concept of mediation used by the programme ROMED

[..] stresses three essential points which we come across again in most of the work done on the concept of mediation:

  the presence of a latent or open conflict between two parties,

  a request or an agreement by these two parties to appoint a neutral mediator,

  decisions taken which lead to changes in both camps.

Next to the, by Olivier Peyroux described, very broad simmilarities we find lots of differences in the description of the work of a Roma school mediator and therefore in the idea of mediation in this context. Stating with what mediation is originally associated, the following definition of mediation by the Council of Europe in the “Guide for Roma school mediators/assistants”, indicates a shift of context as the ROMED programme seeks to establish the process of mediation in a new, unfamiliar setting.

Mediation is a process originally [accentuation M.K] associated with the resolution of conflict situations through the intervention of a neutral third party: the mediator. The mediator participates in the agreement or at the request of the parties to the conflict. The decision resolving the conflict situation is made by the parties rather than the mediator.21

As this statement – and also not in the further course of the statement – does not specify an alternative idea of mediation in this particular context, the following collected statements show how the role of the Roma school mediator is described within various contexts of the programme, from people who work for and with it. One of the coaches of the programme in Berlin summarizes the objectives of the training programme as follows:

The work of the mediators consists in promoting cooperation and communication, but mainly in initiating a change of perspective. Change of perspective on the side of the teachers is mainly anti-discrimination work […] and on the side of the Roma, for example to open up career prospects, to show how a formal qualification, an education and the achievement of a job are well within reach.22 ← 102 | 103 →

According to one of the initiators on the EU level, the programme’s main objectives are described as follows:

We need well-trained cultural mediators to help reach out to Roma communities. We need them to inform and advise parents on the workings of the local education system, and to help ensure that children successfully make the transition between each stage of their school career. We need mediators to bridge the gaps that exist between Roma children, families and communities, and the schools and other services which are meant to serve their needs. [..] Their mission is clear and precise – to restore and enhance dialogue and trust between the Roma communities and the societies in which they live.23

She also summarizes the role of a Roma school mediator based on this example:

[..] in Romania a young Roma girl was on the point of dropping out of school because she could no longer cope with her schoolmates’ bullying. Luckily, ROMED-trained mediator Elena [last name omitted, M.K.) was there for her. Elena managed to get this girl a place on an innovative programme aimed at building self-esteem. And this young girl went on to take part in the Romany Language and Literature Olympiad. She overcame others’ prejudices and her own fears, and entered one of the most prestigious high schools in Bucharest. To me, this poignant example encapsulates what mediation is all about, and why it is so important.24

This last example shows very precisely that Roma school mediation refers more to a general assistance in everyday life, which can be performed in multiple ways. Emphasizing that this is a prime example of Roma school mediation, the speaker shows how little the underlying concept of the Roma school mediation has to do with the standard concept of mediation. Roma school mediators – and we can assume the existence of many other school mediators as well – more or less do the work of social workers and act not only as mediators in conflicts. These school mediations cannot be „reduced“ to classical triadic mediations. Roma school mediators provide various kinds of assistance and the work is not reduced to the setting of the school. The main and regular work is situated here, but the mediators meet pupils and their parents within their neighbourhood, visit the pupils’ homes and also help with appointments in administrative offices for example.

The so called „Code of Ethics for Mediators“, published in 2012 by the programme ROMED, introduces ten statements concerning the behaviour of Roma school mediators during their work and mentions the (above briefly discussed) ← 103 | 104 → heterogeneity of Roma in the form of an awareness towards diverse Roma communities with different traditions and cultures. The mediator

(1) respects the human rights and the dignity of all persons and acts with honesty and integrity in performing his/her duties; (2) works to ensure equal access to rights while respecting legal requirements and administrative procedures; (3) is responsible to help those concerned find mutually satisfactory solutions but does not have the responsibilty to provide solutions to all problems raised by beneficiaries or by the staff of the institution; (4) is proactive, has prompt reactions and develops sound prevention activities; (5) keeps confidentiality of the information obtained in the course of professional activities; (6) does not use his/her role and power to manipulate or to harm others; (7) respects the traditions and culture of the communities, provided that they are compatible with the key principles of human rights and democracy; (8) will treat all community members with equal respect and disclose publicly situations of conflict of interests; (9) makes a clear distinction between professional and private activities; (10) collaborates with other mediators and with other professionals;25

As we see, a variety of ideas is connected to the concept of mediation. By introducing the term “cultural mediators”, it is stressed that the Roma school mediation programme wants to improve the relationship between the minority of the Roma and the respective so-called majority societies, and not just solve single problems between different parties. As they are meant to “bridge the gaps”, it is clearly implied that there are differences between Roma and the official actors, which are usually seen as part of the majority society. The Roma school mediators are referred to as intermediators between the minority and these official actors, and not as mediators between the pupils for example. Trust and dialogue need to be built up and improved with “the societies in which they live“ and do not really seem to be part of in this view. In comparison to the stated change of perspective, the adressed „cultural mediator“ mainly seeks changes within the Roma community, whereas the „perspectivechanger“ is not a neutral third party anymore. The Code of Ethics makes the mediator responsible for communication and understanding between the Roma communities and the respective institutions such as the schools. Insinuating that the communities may not act in accordance with the „key principles of human rights and democracy“, emphasizes the conformity with the prevailing law. At the end a lot of the semantics used within the context of the programme implicitly see the responsibilty for the marginalized situation of a lot of Roma within the Roma communities. ← 104 | 105 →

5.  Positionings within the Roma school mediation

With the differentiation from Kyuchukov in mind and in order to see how ideas of ethnicity, group heterogeneity, the role of the mediator and the underlying concept of mediation are reflected in real mediation processes, we will take a brief look at some first-hand exemplary data collected within a Roma school mediation. The excerpts from the conversation between a Roma school mediator and a pupil discussed here took place at an integrated secondary school in a large German city.26 The student had just been excluded from the classroom and was instructed by the teacher to go to the social workers’ room. There, the pupil meets the Roma school mediator, who invites the pupil for a talk. The two of them then have a conversation which lasts approximately one hour, sitting at a table in the social workers’ room. I was introduced as the mediators’ colleague, who would like to witness a mediation.27 The student is, at the time of the recording, 14 years of age, born in Germany and her parents are both from Serbia. The Roma school mediator is, at the time of the recording, in her 40s, was born in Serbia and has lived in Germany for about 15 years. Both speak Serbian and Romanes besides German, which in the case of the pupil is her mother tongue and in the case of the mediator is her third language. She started learning German when she came to Germany 15 years ago.

As the data collected so far has shown, the role of the mediator varies very much from conversation to conversation. The following first brief statement shows how and in what matter the mediator stresses her membership of the school system. The two speakers talk about a classmate of the pupil who had missed lots of classes lately.28 The mediator establishes her position as part of the school ← 105 | 106 → system (line 06) by adressing formal rules and demanding authority. She trys to make a clue of what the pupil knows and thinks about the times of absence of the classmate.29

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The category-bound activity “Entschuldigung bekommen” (to receive a doctor’s excuse) puts the mediator on one level with the teachers and the school system as only the “authorities” demand an excuse. The „we“ therefore refers to the mediator as part of the school employees. It does not reflect the mediators intermediary position between the pupils and the teachers anymore. She clearly states in whose name she is speaking at the moment.

In some cases the mediator also shows clear signs of insider-knowledge and tries to establish understanding by emphasizing her role as part of the Roma community, like the following excerpt shows:

img

← 106 | 107 →

Especially interesting here is how the two speakers cooperate in order to develop the place of origin of the pupil (S1). At first the pupil marks a spatial belonging (line 02), which expresses the national affiliation (Serbia) without narrowing it down to a certain place. The question of “where” (line 03) is initially not further specified. In line 05 the speaker (S2) then makes it clear that she is asking for a city. Several phrases such as “Where are you from” (line 01), “my city” (line 06) and “I know you” (line 10) produce identification offers and ingroups. By asking further questions, the mediator directs the conversation and finally states a proposal for the possible origin of the student (line 08). Since the student accepts this proposal the spatial contextualization takes place in a cooperative joint negotiation. The question of whether the pupil has ever been to this city (line 05) opens up a realm of possibilities: Never or rarely having been in this city, does not mean that therefore the category “City of origin” or belonging to this is denied or doubted. From a liminal, undefined, state of not knowing, the two speakers work out a stable position of spatial association. The goal of negotiating appears thus in the production of a durable construction, a clear spatial demarcation and positions the mediator as an insider, as she is the one suggesting where the other one’s city of origin could be.

In contrast, the following short excerpt shows how the mediator builds up an opposition and argues against the pupil (speaker 1). In this excerpt, the student is questioned by the Roma school mediator concerning her family situation. The school mediator tries to find out to what extent they talk to each other within ← 107 | 108 → the family about the school situation and in general about the well-being of the teenager.

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In lines 02 and 04 the pupil switches into Serbian and uses this language change for a contextualization in order to describe why they do not talk to each other a lot in her family. This assertion is expressed in the plural; it refers to a group and uses the Serbian as “we-identity” (we-code). The communicative effect which is achieved by this change is a clarification of the conversation context and production of a category-bound activity (line 04) stating that “Gypsies” do not talk.30 The mediator (S2) does not react to the language change and continues in German. The pupil describes the boundaries of the group as impermeable and stable (line 02 and 04). S2 contradicts this and declares these boundaries permeable again by saying that she too belongs to this group and that it is not the case with her. In the further course of the conversation S1 shows no attempts to restore the category “Gypsy” alongside the activity “Do not talk” again.

In summary, the variation within the positionings and the (cooperative) negotiating of membership is obvious; sometimes he or she positions him- or herself as a part of the community, as an ally, sometimes as a member of the ingroup but with different points of view, and sometimes as part of the school system as well. Already these short excerpts show that the typology of Kyuchukov can not be understood in an essentialistic way. Depending on the situation we have seen all three “types of mediators” within one conversation. ← 108 | 109 →

6.  Discussion

As we have seen, the conceptual interconnection of Roma school mediation and social work seems to ensure that the mediation in this context is also dealing with a situation of social inequality. The institutional framework is characterized by the schools, the EU-programme and the civic initiatives that employ or place the school mediators at the respective schools.31 Every single position within this system is of course highly marked by hierarchical structures, whereat the pupils are usually seen as the wards, the dependents, the teachers as the advisors and in the middle the school mediators try to establish a intermediary function.

The possible fracture of the role between the work as a mediator and as a social worker has to be taken into consideration. Are the mediators capable of working in both roles at the same time? Are these two roles at all compatible? And if so, how are they successfully applied for eachother in the everyday work of the Roma school mediators?

Maartens sees mediation as a „natural step for social workers“ and „a valuable addition to the services offered to the clients“, so that mediation is added to the work of social workers and can be a service or a tool within the social work.32„In relation to mediation, social work particularly promotes empowerment of individuals through the education of conflict resolution and communication skills, and enhances their well-being in that individuals learn new effective ways of engaging with one another during conflict.“33

Also, the ascriptions of different roles and concepts within the same programme show a wide range of different ideas towards the role of a mediator who is ascribed to a certain group and as a “cultural mediator” has to mediate between a minority and a majority society. It is therefore a matter of emprirical studies to ask whether the institutions responsible for this programme, emphasize ethnic boundaries by focusing on ethnicity as the relevant difference marker. Is, as in the case of Roma school mediation, the ethnic dimension really that relevant to the negotiations in the school context? Or are perhaps (also) national categories, linguistic boundaries, status affiliations, etc. related to the (perceived) difficulties between teachers and pupils? The (as yet not really institutionalized) programme itself operates an ethnic boundary that is, recorded and repeated by the actors ← 109 | 110 → who work with and for it. Against this institutionalized perspective would speak if the ethnic boundaries are drawn within the mediation, and therefore maintained within interactions in the form of dialogic encounters.34 In the course of the indicated research project, further investigation based upon these remarks will be needed.

In any case, a structured evaluation and monitoring of the real necessity for Roma school mediation at German schools would help to break the wide-spread narrative that Roma per se are in need of help. While the sensitization of teachers and school management, which leads to the introduction of the programme at the respective schools, points out that there are certain problems at these schools, it would help to strengthen the position of the mediators and may be weaken “sceptical” votes if these difficulties were structured and founded in facts.

All in all we can say that the ethnicization of school mediation, as it exists in the programme discussed here, proposes to minimize discrepancies and produce greater equality between the mediator and Roma pupils by training members of the Roma minority. But, since Roma school mediators of course not only care for the Roma pupils at their schools, but in their everyday work, they also intervene in situations where non-Roma are included. They do not only mediate between Roma and non-Roma, but generally between all parties in a conflict, Roma school mediation as an ethnicized mediation, also constructs cultural differences and at least two homogenic groups. Its meant to overcome social boundaries by empowering members of the community but it also emphasizes difference and implies homogenization.

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Vassiliou, Androulla: Roma Mediators – the way forward, ROMED congress, Bruxelles, 17.01.2013, retrieved 12.04.2014, from http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/council_europe/documents/press_corner/focus/20130117_discours_a_vassiliou_congres_des_mediateurs_romed_en.pdf

Wimmer, Andreas: „Ethnische Grenzziehungen: Eine prozessorientierte Mehrebenentheorie“. In: Müller, Marion/Zifonun, Dariuš (Eds.): Ethnowissen. Soziologische Beiträge zu ethnischer Differenzierung und Migration. VS Verlag: Wiesbaden 2010, pp. 99–152. ← 112 | 113 →


1  Like for example the study of Daniel Strauß „Studie zur aktuellen Bildungssituation deutscher Sinti und Roma. Dokumentation und Forschungsbericht“ which has been published in 2011 and already in the preface criticizes that it is the first study on this subject since 30 years.

2  Bundesministerium des Innern (Ed.): Report from the Federal Republic of Germany to the European Commission. An EU Framework for National Roma Integration Strategies up to 2020 – Integrated packages of measures to promote the integration and participation of Sinti and Roma in Germany. 2011, pp. 5–6, retrieved 30.11.2014, from http://ec.europa.eu/justice/discrimination/files/roma_germany_strategy_en.pdf

3  Schmitt, Anna/Bytyci, Hamze/Heine, Wolfgang: EUROCITIES report: The Berlin mobile contact point for EU migrant workers and Roma from the perspective of the service providers. 2011, retrieved 30.11.2014, from http://nws.eurocities.eu/MediaShell/media/EUROCITIES%20report%20-%20Contact%20point%20for%20Roma%20in%20Berlin.pdf

4  Rus, Calin: The situation of Roma School Mediators and Assistants in Europe, 2006, p. 8, retrieved 30.11.2014, from http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/education/roma/Source/Mediators_Analyse_EN.PDF

5  This article is part of the PhD-project „Negotiating membership in Roma school mediation“ which is condcuted at the graduate school „Perceiving and negotiating borders in conversations“ at the Viadrina Center „B/ORDERS IN MOTION“, Frankfurt (Oder).

6  Cf.: Simsa, Christiane/Schubarth, Wilfried (Eds.): Konfiktmanagement an Schulen – Möglichkeiten und Grenzen der Schulmediation, Deutsches Institut für Internationale Pädagogische Forschung: Frankfurt am Main 2001, p. 3.

7  A lot of literature concerning school mediation in Germany refers (also) to peer mediation as it is currently the most common form of school mediation in Germany.

8  Cf.: Simsa/Schubarth, p. 4.

9  Cf.: Simsa/Schubarth, p. 5.

10  Dittman, Jörg: „Zur Evaluation von Mediationsprojekten an Schulen“ In: Simsa, Christiane/ Schubarth, Wilfried (Eds.): Konfiktmanagement an Schulen – Möglichkeiten und Grenzen der Schulmediation. Deutsches Institut für Internationale Pädagogische Forschung: Frankfurt am Main 2001, p. 68. (Translation M.K.).

11  ROMED: About Romed, 2014, retrieved 30.11.2014, from http://romed.coe-romact.org/

12  Kyuchukov, Hristo: Roma school mediators in Berlin. Commissioned by the RAA Berlin, Sponsored by the Freudenberg Foundation, 2011, retrieved 30.11.2014, from http://www.raa-berlin.de/Neu2011/PDFDatein/Kyuchukov,%20Roma%20School%20Mediation%20evaluation%20report.pdf

13  Bundesministerium des Innern, Report, Web.

14  In the further course I use the main category Roma which includes diverse sub-groups, such as the Sinti.

15  Wimmer, Andreas: „Ethnische Grenzziehungen: Eine prozessorientierte Mehrebenentheorie“. In: Müller, Marion/Zifonun, Dariuš (Eds.): Ethnowissen. Soziologische Beiträge zu ethnischer Differenzierung und Migration. VS Verlag: Wiesbaden 2010, p. 102 (Translation M.K.).

16  Heckmann, Friedrich: Ethnische Minderheiten, Volk und Nation. Soziologie inter-ethnischer Beziehungen. Stuttgart 1992, p. 57.

17  Kyuchukov: Roma School Mediators in Berlin, Web.

18  Berghof Foundation, CSSP – Berlin Center für Integrative Mediation (CSSP); Center for Peace Mediation (Europa-Universität Viadrina); Zentrum für Internationale Friedenseinsätze (ZIF) (Eds.):

Friedensmediation – Kurzinformation & Vorschläge für die Politik. Berlin 2013, p. 2, retrieved 25.03.2015, from: http://www.zif-berlin.org/fileadmin/uploads/analyse/dokumente/veroeffentlichungen/Kurzinfo_Mediation_30042013.pdf

19  Cf.: Knapp, Annelie: „Interkulturelle Kompetenz: eine sprachwissenschaftliche Perspektive“. In: Auernheimer, Georg (Ed.): Interkulturelle Kompetenz und pädagogische Professionalität. 3. Auflage. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften: Wiesbaden 2010, p. 85.

20  Kruk, Edward (Ed): Mediation and conflict resolution in social work and the human services. Nelson-Hall Publishers: Chicago 1998, p. 4.

21  Rus, Calin; Zatreanu, Mihaela: Guide for Roma mediators/assistants. Published by the Council of Europe. 2009, retrieved 30.11.2014, from http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/education/roma/Source/Guide_EN.PDF

22  Cf.: Expert-Interview with Christoph Leucht, Berlin 17.09.2014. (Translation M.K.)

23  Vassiliou, Androulla: Roma Mediators – the way forward, ROMED congress, Bruxelles, 17.01.2013, P. 3 f. retrieved 12.04.2014, from http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/council_europe/documents/press_corner/focus/20130117_discours_a_vassiliou_congres_des_mediateurs_romed_en.pdf

24  Vassiliou, Roma Mediators, p. 3 f., Web.

25  ROMED: Code of Ethics for Mediators. 2012, retrieved 30.11.2014, from http://romed.coe-romact.org/sites/default/files/code%20ethicEN.pdf

26  Conversational situations which are recorded for my doctoral thesis and are thus considered part of the mediations are situations in which there are two or more parties with a Roma school mediator in a quasi „closed“ conversation. Situations in schoolyards, in hallways or at locations outside the school are involved, but can not be recorded, and are thus not subject to a detailed conversational analysis.

27  I sit behind the two on a sofa, but can see both speakers very well and record the conversation by audio recording. During the conversation, a social worker enters the room, who does not sit down, but is engaged in various activities and participates repeatedly in the conversation. I do not participate in the conversation, except by a few approving laughs. My presence and the fact of the entering social worker make clear that the conversation does not take place in a protected, concealed space. Accordingly, the possible consequences for the openness and lack of confidentiality for the two speakers has to be taken into consideration.

28  S1 stands for speaker 1 who is the pupil and S2, the speaker 2, for the mediator.

29  The recordings have been transcribed according to GAT (Gesprächsanalytisches Transkriptionssystem). Cf: http://www.gespraechsforschungQozs.de/heft2009/pxQgat2.pdf

30  This is the first and only time that the word Gypsy is used during this mediation talk.

31  Wimmer, p. 101.

32  Maartens, Elize: Mediating adolescent-caregiver Conflict: Guidelines for Social Workers. Stellenbosch: Universität Stellenbosch, unpublished master’s thesis 2007, p. 58, retrieved 10.11.2014, from http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2216.

33  Maartens, Mediating adolescent-caregiver Conflict, p. 5.

34  Wimmer, p. 114 f.