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Nordic Prosody

Proceedings of the Xth Conference, Helsinki 2008

Edited By Martti Vainio, Reijo Aulanko and Olli Aaltonen

This volume contains the revised texts of talks and posters given at the Nordic Prosody X conference, held at the University of Helsinki, in August 2008. The contributions by Scandinavian and other researchers cover a wide range of prosody-related topics from various theoretical and methodological points of view. Although the history of the conference series is Nordic and Scandinavian, the current volume presents studies that are of mainly Baltic origin in the sense that of the eight languages presented in the proceedings only English is not natively spoken around the Baltic Sea. Research issues addressed in the 25 articles include various aspects of speech prosody, their regional variation within and across languages as well as social and idiolectal variation. Speech technology and modelling of prosody are also addressed in more than one article.


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17. Initiality accents in Central Swedish 167


INITIALITY ACCENTS IN CENTRAL SWEDISH Sara Myrberg 1 Introduction In research on Central Swedish intonation, two tonal prominence levels are generally distinguished. These are focus and accentuation. Each prominence level has a separate realization for accent 1 and accent 2, as shown in Table 1 (cf. e.g. Bruce, 1998; Heldner, 2001; Hansson, 2003). 1 Table 1. The tonal inventory of Central Swedish. accentuation focus word accent 1 HL* L*H word accent 2 H*L H*LH In the Lund model a prosodic phrase generally has a focal accent and a number of optional non-focal pre- and post-focal accents (Bruce, 1998). This paper presents the argument that an Initiality Accent (IA) should be assumed as an integral part of the tonal structure of a prosodic phrase, in addition to the focal accent and the pre- and post-focal accents. The tonal structure of a prosodic phrase, then, is as shown in (1). 2 1 The tonal configurations assumed here are nearly the same as those assumed within the Lund model of Central Swedish intonation. The difference between the tonal inventory assumed here and that of the Lund model is in the representation of the focal accent for accent 1. Whereas the Lund model assumes a HL*H contour, only a L*H contour is assumed here. The existence of the first H tone in this sequence has been discussed by e.g. Riad (1998) and Engstrand (1995, 1997). This discussion will be of no crucial importance to the analyses presented in this...

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