The Fate of the Dead and the Living at the Lord’s Parousia: Exegesis of 1 Thessalonians 1:9-10; 4:13-18; 5:1-11

A. Statement of the Problem

Human beings are born and they are destined to taste death. Physical death, of course, is the end of human existence on this earth. There has, however, been the question as to whether there is life after death. There is, indeed, the belief in “life after death” in Judaism, Christianity, African Traditional Religion (AfTR), and in many other religions in the world. Though the content of the teachings about life after death (and immortality) may differ from one religion to the other, in all these religions there is the belief that physical death is not the end of persons but they continue to live in “another world” after their death.

In Christianity, resurrection is identified with the fate of the dead. Christians²¹ have the hope in the resurrection of the dead. Christians believe that after their death, they will be raised from the dead in order to have salvation and eternal life in the presence of the Lord (Almighty God) or to face judgement and eternal condemnation. All depends on how the Christian led his/her life here on earth before his/her death (Jn 5:28-29; see also Dn 12:2). In these biblical passages of Dn 12:2 and Jn 5:28-29, for instance, the resurrection of the dead is discussed in eschatological contexts, and it is not a “realized eschatology” but a “future eschatology” that the authors present. That is to say, the event of the resurrection of the dead (from their tombs) is envisaged to take place in the future, at the end of time, but not presently²².

In 1 Thess 1:9-10; 4:13-18; 5:1-11, and later in 1 Cor 15, Paul presents elaborate teachings about the Christian community’s hope and belief in the future ←21 | 22→resurrection of the dead at the second coming or at the parousia of the Lord Jesus Christ. After a thorough and reflective reading and study of these Pauline passages, I found out that in 1 Thessalonians Paul makes excessive use of apocalyptic imageries and eschatological motifs which are actually rooted in the Old Testament (OT), and in early Jewish and early Christian apocalyptic literature to convey his message on the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia. In 1 Cor 15, however, he not only employs eschatological and apocalyptic motifs and imageries but also aspects of Greek philosophy such as the application of the literary device known as diatribe²³ (see 1 Cor 15:12-13.35; and even 15:29-49). Thus in his effort to answer the possible question in regard to how the “bodily resurrection” can take place (1 Cor 15:35), Paul engages himself in an extensive argument with his “imaginary discussion partners”, and it is evident in this argument (cf. 1 Cor 15:35-54) that Paul has in mind the Greek philosophical conception that human beings are composed of “body” (σῶμα) or “flesh” (σάρξ), “blood” (αἷμα), “soul” (ψυχή), “spirit” or “breath” (πνεῦμα) and so he tries, in a way, to refute the precedence given to the soul in Greek (mythical) conception of life after death that it is only possible for the soul (but not the body) to survive death and live in the heareafter.

In Plato’s work Phaido, for example, Plato presents an extensive discussion of the ancient Greek philosopher Socrates and his conversation partners about life here on earth but especially about life after death. In this conversation, “death” is described as the parting away of the soul from the body and vice versa, so that either the soul or the body can be alone (see Phaido 64c), or simply and specifically: “death” is the separation and deliverance of the soul from the body (see Phaido 67d). So long as in this life persons (or the philosophers) do not try as much as possible to keep their souls pure and undiluted from their bodies until the time that God himself effects the liberation of their souls from their bodies (i.e. until the time of their death), they cannot be in a position to know the reality of things or the truth and live by the truth (Phaido 66e-67a.b.) The Socrates of the Phaido stresses in this conversation that after the death of a person (i.e. after the separation or liberation of the soul from the body [by God]) it is only the soul (and not the body or both the body and soul) that “makes a journey into the underworld” – accompanied by the spirits, e.g. the “daimon” – and the soul survives in the “underworld” where it (i.e. the soul) would then be reborn (Phaido 70a-d). While the soul is described as invisible, divine and immortal, the body is ←22 | 23→seen as visible, mortal and corruptible, and so after the death of a person the soul goes back – so far as it has remained pure and not been diluted by the body – to the spirit world, i.e. to the wise and good God, but the body obliterates and decays (see Phaido 80 a-e; 105e; 106e; 107a.c-e).

When the Socrates of the Phaido talks about the fate of the dead person, it is only about the fate of the different natures of the soul which are bound to face judgement and to be punished or rewarded based on their merits (Phaido 113d.e-114a-c). For instance, the kind of souls which excel in a life of holiness are set free from every kind of imprisonment; they are purified and they live wholly for all generations without body but in a more beautiful dwelling (Phaido 114c). The body is, however, destined to be buried or burnt to decay (cf. Phaido 115e-166a). The Socrates of the Phaido proves the tenability or trustworthiness of his assertion and teaching by maintaining that what he says is not a mere empty gossip or prattle but “there is indeed an old saying” (παλαιὸς μὲν οὖν ἔστι τις λόγος)²⁴ on which his assertion is based (Phaido 70c). This “old saying” (παλαιὸς λόγος [οὗτος]) refers definitely to the account or description of the souls in “Hades” (Ἄϊδος) or “the underworld” in Book XI of Odyssey, the epic poem attributed to Homer. The Homeric account of the souls in Hades – the abode of the departed spirits or souls (see, for example, Odyssey 11.130-151.210-224)²⁵ – was indeed familiar to every educated or learned Greek in Plato’s time²⁶.

It can be observed that even in 1 Cor 15 where Paul combines both ancient Greek philosophy and Jewish apocalyptic scenarios in his treatment of the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia, his emphasis is not solely on the survival and the immortality of the soul in the “underworld” where the soul shall be reborn, but he also lays emphasis on the body which – together with the soul – would be changed or transformed (1 Cor 15:51-53). Thus even in 1 Cor 15 where Paul employs ancient Greek philosophy, he tries to transform this philosophy and bring it in tune with his theological reflections that the kingdom of God is the final destination of the Christ’s faithful (both the dead and the living), ←23 | 24→and that since “flesh and blood” (or the body) cannot inherit the kingdom of God (as it is conceived in ancient Greek philosophy), the dead will be raised incorruptible and we (the living) together with the dead will be changed, so that death shall be defeated, and this victory is brought about by God himself through Jesus Christ (1 Cor 15:54-57).

The Hellenistic philosophical conception of life after death which places emphasis only on the survival of the soul in the underworld or in the spirit world has actually no significant place in the Pauline teachings on the afterlife. The Hellenistic idea of the afterlife gives no room for a better understanding of Paul’s teachings about “bodily resurrection”. It is not surprising, therefore, that the addressees of Paul (and of the Paul portrayed by Luke in the Acts of the Apostles) in the Greco-Roman world – who were nurtured in this kind of Hellenistic philosophical idea of life after death – always found it difficult to understand Paul’s teachings or references to “bodily” resurrection of the dead (see Acts 17:31-33; 1 Cor 15:12-14.35). With the Greco-Roman idea of life after death in mind, it was also not easy for the newly converted Christ’s faithful in the Thessalonian community to simply believe the teachings of Paul that the believers who died before the Lord’s parousia could be raised from the dead to meet the Lord at his second coming, and so they continued to grieve for the dead in Christ (1 Thess 4:13). Especially in 1 Thesssalonians, Paul is silent on Hellenistic philosophical conception of the afterlife. The ancient Greek philosophical idea of the composition of persons plays no significant role in Paul’s teachings on “bodily resurrection” in 1 Thessalonians because Paul simply says, “the dead in Christ will rise” (1 Thess 4:16b) and “they will be snatched away” simultaneously with the living to meet the Lord and be with the Lord always (1 Thess 4:17). Paul thus depends more on early Jewish apocalypse, OT and Deuterocanonical Books of the OT in his teachings on the theme under discussion here in 1 Thessalonians.

In the OT ᾅδης (“Hades”: “the underworld”) is the Septuagint (LXX) translation of the biblical Hebrew שְׁאוֹל (“Sheol”: “the abode of the dead”). The OT speaks of a variety of concepts of “Hades” or “Sheol”. The term Hades or Sheol is associated with death (Ps 18:5-6; 116:3 MT; Hos 13:14; Hab 2:5²⁷) and perdition (Prov 15:11 LXX). Sheol is insatiable and never says “enough” (Prov 27:20; 30:16; Hab 2:5²⁸), and it is ever ready to welcome every person (Isa 14:9). For the pious or just one, Sheol is not a good place to yearn for (cf. “Hezekiah’s Hymn of Thanksgiving” in Isa 38:9-20 MT). By his anger, God sends consuming fire in ←24 | 25→the underworld (Dt 32:22), the dead go down to “Hades” or “Sheol” in mourning (Gen 37:35), in grief (Gen 42:38; 44:29), and in their weakness the dead decay in the underworld (see Isa 14:10-11; 38:17). Nonetheless, from heaven, God hears and answers those who cry out to him in their distress in the underworld (Ps 18:6-7 MT; Jon 2:3), and he (God) is able to bring people out who hide themslves in the underworld because no person can escape from his sight (Amos 9:2-3; Ps 139:8-9 MT; Jon 2:7). It is interesting to note here that unlike in Hellenistic philosophy where emphasis is solely on the soul which travels or makes a journey into the “underworld” (Ἄϊδος or ᾅδης) after the death of a person, in the OT it is the whole person (body and soul) who goes down into Sheol. For instance, in Gen 37:35 (MT) Jacob does not say: “My soul will go down in mourning to Sheol to my son” but he says: “I will go down in mourning to Sheol to my son” (cf. also Gen 42:38; 44:29)²⁹. Moreover, God saves and brings persons out of Sheol in their entirety (Ps 30:4 MT; Amos 9:2; see also Jon 2:7). These observations prompt the conviction that in his teachings about the destiny of the dead and the living at the second coming of the Lord in 1 Thessalonians, Paul allows himself to be influenced more by his Jewish roots and Pharisaic background than by his orientation to ancient Greek philosophy and concept of life after death.

B. The Thesis

The hope and belief in the future bodily resurrection of the dead have their roots in the OT and in the Deuterocanonical Books of the OT. It is clearly stated in 2 Macc 7, for example, that God – the creator of the universe and the king of the world – is the one who raises the dead or the just (on the last day) to everlasting life (2 Macc 7:9.14.23.28-29.36)³⁰. Already in 2 Maccabees, “the power of the living to offer prayers for the dead” (2 Macc 12:39-46) and the “intercession of the saints in heaven for people living on earth” (2 Macc 15:11-16) find expression. It is also known in Ps 15 (LXX) that behind the bodily resurrection of the just is God himself who does not allow his faithful ones to taste corruption and remain in the world of the dead, but raises them from the dead to everlasting life. This is especially evident in Ps 15:10 (LXX) where the Psalmist says: “For you will not abandon me (literally “my soul)³¹ in Hades, neither will you allow your ←25 | 26→devout one to see corruption or decay” (ὅτι οὐκ ἐγκαταλείψεις τὴν ψυχήν μου εἰς ᾅδην, οὐδὲ δώσεις τὸν ὅσιόν σου ἰδεῖν διαφθοράν). This Psalm is quoted not only in the speech of Peter at Pentecost (cf. Acts 2:25-32) but also in Paul’s address in the Synagogue (cf. Acts 13:35-37). Peter and Paul interpret this Ps 15:10 (LXX) in the New Testament (NT) “as referring to Christ’s resurrection” which is effected by God himself³². Thus in their proclamation of the resurrection of Christ and its “messianic significance” in the Acts of the Apostles, Peter and Paul indicate that God (the creator) is the one who raised Jesus Christ from the dead, and their belief and conviction are traceable to the OT (Ps 15 [LXX] or Ps 16 [MT], see also the Deuterocanonical Book of the OT: 2 Macc 7, etc.) While in the OT and in the Deuterocanonical Books of the OT it is God himself who has given the righteous and the just ones the hope for the resurrection of the dead (2 Macc 7:14; also Ps 16:10-11 [MT]), in the NT it is Jesus Christ – the one raised from the dead by God – who gives the believers in Christ this hope of the resurrection of the dead (see 1 Cor 6:14; 2 Cor 4:14; Rom 8:11; 1 Thess 4:14)³³ because Jesus Christ is risen from the dead as the first fruit of those who have fallen asleep (1 Cor 15:20.23).

It is beyond doubt that the Christian community’s hope and belief in the (eschatological) resurrection, salvation or eternal life, judgement and eternal condemnation are inherited from Judaism. This belief is mostly talked about in apocalyptic literature which is highly coloured with eschatological motifs and apocalyptic imageries. Bauckham asserts correctly that:

Jewish and then Christian understandings of life after death developed mainly in the apocalypses and it entails among other things the expectation of judgement and resurrection for all the dead, the final destinies of eternal life and eternal condemnation, and the ‘intermediate state’ of the dead between death and the general resurrection³⁴.

Paul himself was a Jew (Acts 22:3; Phil 3:5; 2 Cor 11:22) – a Pharisee (Acts 23:6; 26:5; Phil 3:5) from the tribe of Benjamin (Rom 11:1; Phil 3:5). Like any other Pharisee (unlike the Sadducees), he believed and hoped in the resurrection of the dead (Acts 23:6; 24:15). In his letters, especially in 1 Thess 4:13-18; 5:1-11, ←26 | 27→and in 1 Cor 15, Paul writes extensively about topics such as death, resurrection of the dead (in Christ), immortality, salvation and the final union with the Lord Jesus Christ (in the kingdom of God), etc., and his writings about such topics are filled with apocalyptic scenarios, especially in 1 Thessalonians. For Paul, the belief of the Christ’s faithful in the (bodily) resurrection of the dead is based on Christ’s death and resurrection, i.e., just as the Lord Jesus Christ died and was raised from the dead (by God), so shall the believers in Christ be raised from the dead (Rom 8:11; 1 Cor 6:14; 2 Cor 4:14)³⁵. Thus in Paul’s teachings on the fate of the dead (especially with regard to the Christ’s faithful), the Lord Jesus Christ occupies the centre stage because Jesus Christ is the one through whom God fulfils his salvation plan on behalf of humankind (1 Cor 15:22).

Especially in 1 Cor 15 and in 1 Thess 4:13-18, one realises that the event of the resurrection of the dead and the final union with Christ shall take place at the parousia or the second coming of the Lord Jesus Christ (1 Thess 4:15-16; 1 Cor 15:23, 52), and that it is not only the fate of the dead (in Christ) which is a matter of concern at the Lord’s parousia but also the fate of “the living”, i.e., those who would happen to be still alive at the event of the Lord’s parousia (1 Thess 4:15-17; 1 Cor 15:51-52). It is in the light of this that I have chosen to write about the theme: The Fate of the Dead and the Living at the Lord’s Parousia: Exegesis of 1 Thessalonians 1:9-10; 4:13-18; 5:1-11. With this theme, I focus attention more on Paul’s teachings in 1 Thess 1:9-10; 4:13-18; 5:1-11 about topics such as death, resurrection of the dead (in Christ), immortality, parousia, salvation, and the final union of the Christ’s faithful (i.e. both the dead and the living) with the Lord Jesus Christ in the kingdom of God. I have chosen to talk mainly about 1 Thess 1:9-10; 4:13-18; 5:1-11 because it is in these pericopes that one can identify Paul’s teachings about the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia in 1 Thessalonians. Nonetheless, a thorough discussion of this theme in First Thessalonians cannot base on these three passages in isolation from other chapters or pericopes of the letter. That is, apart from 1 Thess 1:9-10; 4:13-18; 5:1-11 other passages from the letter may be useful in the discussion about Paul’s exhortations on the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia in 1 Thessalonians.

I am strongly of the opinion that the theme of the fate or destiny of both the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia occupies a dominant position in First Thessalonians. The newly converted believers in Christ in Thessalonica actually yearned for an answer to the question of the fate of the dead (and the living) at the Lord’s parousia, and the answer (or solution) to this perplexing and problematic question was what Paul and his co-authors Silvanus and Timothy did not hesitate to give the Christ’s faithful because this question plunged the community of believers in Thessalonica into fear, anxiety and uncertainty especially about the destiny of the believers who die before the Lord’s second coming. So far as Paul and his co-authors’ treatment of this theme of the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia in 1 Thessalonians is concerned, the influence of Greek philosophy and conception of the hereafter is not so evident as the influence of the Jewish worldview embodied in the OT, Jewish apocalyptic and prophetic literature and early Christian apocalyptic writings (which, of course, developed from the Jewish apocalyptic tradition). As a Jew belonging to the Pharisaic movement, Paul became convinced that Jesus is the Messiah; and he became a believer in Christ (Gal 1:13-17); and in his teachings on the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia in First Thessalonians – unlike in 1 Cor 15 –, he was influenced more by his Jewish background; and he depended more on sources from the Hebrew Bible as well as Jewish and early Christian apocalyptic traditions.

Though Paul treats such topics in question in both 1 Thess 1:9-10; 4:13-18; 5:1-11 and in 1 Cor 15, a carefull study of both texts (1 Thessalonians; 1 Corinthians 15) reveals that Paul’s approach to the treatment of such themes in 1 Thessalonians is somehow different from his approach to 1 Corinthians 15. While his teachings on such topics in 1 Thessalonians are dominated mainly by the Jewish worldview and idea of the hereafter and its inherent apocalypse (see 1 Thess 4:16-17; 5:1-3, 6-7), those teachings in 1 Cor 15 are also influenced by the Jewish tradition and apocalytic imagery (see 1 Cor 15:52a) but the dominance of ancient Greek philosophy and idea of the hereafter is more evident in 1 Cor 15 (see 1 Cor 15:35-44, 50-53) and less evident in 1 Thessalonians. Paul was indeed a Jew by race, religion and promise (2 Cor 11:22; Rom 11:1), but he was also a Roman citizen (Acts 16:37; 22:25-29) by birth (Acts 22:28). It is not surprising, therefore, that his teachings on the subjects in question in his writings or letters happen to be influenced not only by his Jewish background but also by his Greco-Roman environment. However, so far as the theme of the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia in 1 Thess 1:9-10; 4:13-18; 5:1-11 is concerned, Paul depends more on sources from the Jewish worldview and conception of the hereafter than those from Hellenistic philosophy and mythology.

There may be traces of thought (on this theme) in First Thessalonians borrowed from Greco-Roman literature. Malherbe, for example, indicates that the exhortations in First Thessalonians have Hellenistic hortatory character³⁶, and Luckensmeyer also observes that:

“Arguably, there are no explicit quotations from the Old Testament [in 1 Thessalonians]. The epistolary form of the letter, while following many established structures, differs in significant ways raising numerous questions of interpretation (and even of interpolation). There is a strong dependence on Hellenistic philosophical traditions which is not so prevalent in Paul’s other letters”³⁷.

First Thessalonians may have a “Hellenistic hortatory character” as Malherbe observes but that is the medium which Paul employs to get his message across³⁸. The content of Paul’s message in the passages in question in First Thessalonians does not share the worldview of Greco-Roman literature in toto. In First Thessalonians, Paul identifies the fate of the dead and the living with texts which are mainly about the parousia of the Lord Jesus Christ, the day of the Lord, resurrection, wrath (of God), salvation and the state of being with (or in the presence of) the Lord Jesus Christ. The theme of the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia in First Thessalonians is, actually, discussed in relation to some other predominant themes such as eschatology and parousia all of which fall in the domain of apocalyptic discourse which refers mainly to “the constellation of apocalyptic topics as they function in larger early Jewish and Christian literary and social contexts”³⁹. According to Collins “apocalypse means revelation, but the name is reserved for revelations that deal either with eschatology (the end of history and the fate of the dead) or the heavenly and infernal regions, or both”⁴⁰. ←29 | 30→He further points out that apocalyptic literature first appears in Judaism at the end of the OT period in the book of Daniel, died out in Judaism after the failure of the Jewish revolts in the late first and early second centuries BCE, but it was revived to some degree in the Middle Ages. He observes that the apocalyptic worldview is characterized by eschatological expectation and by the prominence of supernatural agents⁴¹. The essential literature to be considered in this work, so far as apocalypse is concerned, include the book of Isaiah (e.g. Isa 26:19), the book of Daniel (especially Dn 12:1-3), 2 Macc 7, and also the books of Enoch, 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch⁴², the Sibylline Oracles, etc.⁴³

First Thessalonians is dominated by eschatological perspective⁴⁴ (cf. 1 Thess 1:10; 4:13-5:10; 5:23)⁴⁵. Koester observes correctly that the profuse eschatological tone in First Thessalonians differentiates the letter from philosophers’ speeches and writings⁴⁶. The dominant theme of eschatology and other eschatological motifs in First Thessalonians such as παρουσία (i.e., the second coming of the Lord Jesus Christ), ἡ όργή – “the wrath of God” (1 Thess 1:10; 5:9) or judgement; and ἡμέρα κυρίου – “the day of the Lord” (1 Thess 5:2; also 5:4, 5, 8) can better be discussed and understood from the Jewish perspective and not from the viewpoint of Greek philosophy. Several terminologies and expressions found in the pericopes in which Paul speaks about the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia in 1 Thessalonians actually trace their source to the OT, Jewish apocalyptic and prophetic writings, etc. Such expressions to be considered ←30 | 31→include: “you turned to God” – ἐπεστρέψατε πρὸς τὸν θεὸν (1 Thess 1:9c), “to wait for his son from heaven” – ἀναμένειν τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν (1 Thess 1:10a), “sleep” (κοιμᾶσθαι) functioning as euphemism for “death” (1 Thess 4:13, 14, 15), God “gathering” (ἄγειν) “those who are asleep”⁴⁷ (τοὺς κοιμηθέντας) with himself through Jesus (1 Thess 4:14), “those who are left” – οἱ περιλειπόμενοι (1 Thess 4:15, 17), the sound of “the trumpet of God” – σάλπιγξ θεοῦ (1 Thess 4:16), “and so we shall always be with the Lord”⁴⁸ – καὶ οὕτως πάντοτε σὺν κυρίῳ ἐσόμεθα (1 Thess 4:17), “the times and seasons” – χρόνοι καὶ καιροί 1 Thess 5:1), and many other expressions in Paul’s entire exhortation on the believer’s hope for the parousia of the Lord Jesus Christ and the eschatological resurrection and salvation in 1 Thess 4:13-5:11. I am of the view that when one delves into parallel references to these terminologies and expressions as they appear in the OT (the Hebrew Bible or the Jewish Scripture), Jewish apocalyptic and prophetic literature as well as early Christian apocalypse⁴⁹, one can better explain and understand Paul’s exhortations on the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia in First Thessalonians.

Though there is no direct quotation from the OT in First Thessalonians, there are in fact a great many allusions to OT texts or passages in First Thessalonians, and references to such texts or passages will be made known in the course of this work. Malherbe traces few OT references in First Thessalonians⁵⁰, and he attributes the lack of direct quotations from the OT in First Thessalonians to the fact that Paul “has in mind readers not nurtured on the Jewish Scriptures”⁵¹. The absence of direct quotations from the OT in First Thessalonians does not necessarily mean that Paul did not make any use of the OT in his writing of this letter, or that the Hebrew Bible plays less or no important role in Paul’s exhortations in ←31 | 32→First Thessalonians. He actually alluded to and played on OT passages in First Thessalonians, and especially in his teachings on the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia, he made lots of references not only to the OT but also to other writings that are associated with or developed from Judaism. By so doing, Paul presents his teachings about resurrection, salvation, the fate of the dead and the living on the day of the Lord (or at the Lord’s parousia) from the Jewish point of view but not from the perspective of ancient Greek philosophy. Paul’s dependence on the Jewish worldview of the afterlife can be seen in the numerous references to passages from the OT, Jewish apocalyptic literature as well as from the early Christian apocalyptic tradition.

It is to be stressed here that the apocalyptic or eschatological discourses in the apocalyptic traditions are normally about events that will take place in the hereafter or in the future. One realises, however, that the focus of Paul’s exhortations on the themes under discussion in First Thessalonians is not only on the eschaton or at the end of time but also on the present life situation of persons. That is, the present prepares for the future, and so the fate of the dead and the living – be it resurrection, judgement, salvation, etc. – at the Lord’s parousia shall not be a destiny that would automatically befall the individual persons in the future but rather what they prepare themselves for in their present life situations. The fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia will be determined mainly on the basis of the attitudes of individual persons in relation to their preparedness to know and accept God in their life and to lead their life presently in accordance with the word and the will of God (see 1 Thess 5:4-8). Luckensmeyer rightly indicates that: “… the parousia of the Lord, judgement (including the day of the Lord) and the resurrection of Christians, all point to Paul’s vision of the future but also ideologically inform Paul’s and the Thessalonians’ ethical decisions [here and now]”⁵². Paul emphasizes strongly on sanctification of the Christ’s faithful in First Thessalonians (see 1 Thess 3:13; 4:3-8; 5:23). Meeks observes that the summary statement in 1 Thess 1:9-10 reminds Paul’s addressees of their conversion to God and the moral commitment of this conversion⁵³. Paul’s insistence on holiness in First Thessalonians is in conformity with God’s command to his elected people Israel to remain holy by virtue of the fact that God himself is holy (Lev 11:44; 19:2; 20:7)⁵⁴. Such a strong emphasis on holiness and moral uprightness on the part of the “newly converts” or the believers in Christ in general has no ←32 | 33→parallel in Hellenistic thought or culture. Malherbe joins other commentators and maintains correctly that:

“In pagan thought, cultic requirements of ritual purity aside, there was no essential connection between religion and morality, and religious conversion generally did not call for commitment to moral transformation”⁵⁵.

The stress on uprightness in First Thessalonians can actually be discussed in the context of “apocalyptic ethics and behavior”⁵⁶ which “presupposes and reinforces common, widespread moral ideals” for early Jews and early Christians in their belief in the (near) approach of the eschatological end. In 1 Thess 5:4-11, Paul stresses mainly on how the Christ’s faithful in Thessalonica should lead their life in anticipation of the imminent day of the Lord which may catch them up unexpectedly.

Basing on the above considerations, I want to argue in this work that it is from the Jewish perspective (but not from the viewpoint of ancient Greek philosophy and idea of the hereafter) that the pericopes in First Thessalonians which talk about the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia (namely, 1 Thess 1:9-10; 4:13-18; 5:1-11) can better be interpreted and understood. The exegetes who strongly advocate for the avoidance of any form of dichotomy between the Jewish and the Greco-Roman philosophies or cultures in the interpretation of the Pauline letters⁵⁷ (or even passages from the NT as a whole) may not find my thesis – which seeks to lay more emphasis on the Jewish conception of the afterlife as the main brain behind Paul’s teachings on the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia in the chosen passages from First Thessalonians – so plausible in modern or recent scholarship. It will, however, be evident in the course of my work that there are, of course, exceptional cases such as those concerning the passages under discussion in 1 Thessalonians where a line can actually be drawn between the two main philosophies and cultures which influenced Paul in his writings⁵⁸. In his treatment of the fate of the dead and the living at the ←33 | 34→Lord’s parousia in 1 Thessalonians, Paul actually drew the bulk of his sources not from ancient Greek philosophy and literature but mainly from Judaism and early Christianity (which was founded out of Judaism).

I believe that the African Traditional Religion (AfTR) cannot provide the background information on the interpretation and a better understanding of Paul’s teachings about the afterlife in First Thessalonians. Paul and his co-missionaries (Sylvanus and Timothy) neither knew the AfTR nor came into contact with the African culture. There can be no strong grounds, therefore, for claiming that the African Traditional Religion and culture were influential in Paul’s treatment of the theme in question. As a Ghanaian I should allow myself to be informed of what Paul says about the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia. Nonetheless, my cultural background can help me appreciate and accept these teachings of Paul because I have ever heard in my community that there is life after death which I can believe and hope for. The destiny and the (final) destination of the dead may not be described in my community in terms of “bodily resurrection” and eternal life with Christ and God the creator as Paul does in his teachings, but the concept of the afterlife commonly held by members of my community will serve as my motivation and the starting point for my appreciation of the value of Paul’s exhortations on life after death in First Thessalonians. That is, as a Ghanaian and a person who professes the Christian faith, I will not be in the shoes of the Corinthians (or the Athenians) who shunned and rejected the teachings of the Paul in the Acts of the Apostles about bodily resurrection when they found such teachings to be unimaginable and difficult to understand (see Acts 17:16-34, especially Acts 17:31-33). With “the eyes of faith” I can see how the bodily resurrection Paul describes would take place at the Lord’s second coming, and also the glorious moment of meeting the Lord and staying forever with him (cf. 1 Thess 4:16-17).

C. Methodology

I have decided to work on the theme: The Fate of the Dead and the Living at the Lord’s Parousia: Exegesis of 1 Thessalonians 1:9-10; 4:13-18; 5:1-11. The work is purely exegesis and the approaches I have adopted to defend my thesis are among the main methods used in biblical interpretation, namely, the approach of History of Religion (Religionsgeschichte), Source, Form and Text Criticisms⁵⁹. In the process of interpretation a special stress will, however, be put on the approach of history of religion (Religionsgeschichte) because, so far as my work is concerned, I consider this method to be most appropriate. With this method, I will try, especially, to determine the place of the texts to be interpreted, i.e. within the theological history of early Christianity against the background of the Old Testament, early Judaism and in relation to Greco-Roman Hellenism. This approach does not only allow a hermeneutical location of the place of the texts to be interpreted, but it also allows references to the theological home of the author and his addressees⁶⁰. The “Religionsgeschichtliche” approach (or history of religion) also delves into the literature and history of religion. Consequently, in this work particular attention will be paid to the writings which are associated with or developed from Judaism (early Judaism, Hellenistic Judaism and later Judaism) and writings from the Greco-Roman world which provide information about the theme. The source, form, and text critical approaches, on the other hand, deal particularly with the individual texts and pericopes so far as their historical background, origin, genre, content, arrangement, and function, etc. are concerned.

With the application of these methods of biblical interpretation, it will be evident in my exegesis of the texts under consideration that although Paul’s addressees are heathens or pagans (who are not Jews), he depends more on motifs and traditions of the OT, early Judaism and early Christianity in his teachings about the fate of the dead and the living at the Lord’s parousia in First Thessalonians. I am of the opinion that the pericopes under discussion do not have so much in common with pagan motifs, traditions and ancient Greek philosophy.

D. The Scheme of Work

The work has been structured as follows:

As it is indicated above, the work has been divided into three main chapters which focus attention mainly on the pericopes in which Paul and his co-authors speak about the Fate of the Dead and the Living at the Lord’s Parousia in First Thessalonians. Thus while Chapter One deals with exegesis of 1 Thess 1:9-10, Chapter Two focuses on exegesis of 1 Thess 4:13-18, and Chapter Three is dedicated to exegesis of 1 Thess 5:1-11.

E. Paul’s Missionary Activity in Thessalonica

The universal nature of the Church’s mission is emphasized by the evangelists (Mt 28:19; Mk 16:15; Lk 24:47)⁶¹. While the evangelists Matthew and Luke identify the target group – the receivers or beneficiaries of the Gospel message or those to preach to – as “all nations”: πάντα τὰ ἔθνη⁶² (Mt 28:19; Lk 24:47), the author of Mk 16:9-20 (the so-called “Canonical Longer Ending to the Marcan gospel”) names it as “the entire creation”: πάσῃ τῇ κτίσει (Mk 16:15). These terminologies (πάντα τὰ ἔθνη; πάσῃ τῇ κτίσει) seek to explain that the Church is commissioned to evangelize all people in the universe.

The Acts of the Apostles, for instance, report not only on the journeys and preaching of the apostles and the disciples of Christ, but also on the wonders and miracles they performed in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ and the various Christian communities they founded. One of the central messages in the preaching of Peter and his collaborators was that God raised Jesus Christ – who died on the cross – from the dead and they are witnesses to the resurrection of Christ (Acts 1:22; 4:33)⁶³. They also made the effort to convince the Jews especially, that the resurrected Jesus is the Messiah (Acts 3:20; 5:42; 9:22)⁶⁴. There is indication in the preaching of Peter and his companions in Acts 4:1-2 that they believed that there is resurrection of the dead which results from the resurrection ←37 | 38→of Jesus Christ⁶⁵. Paul also preached about “Jesus and the resurrection” in Athens (Acts 17:18) and he emphasized that the resurrection of Christ Jesus was the “reason” or “assurance” (πίστις) for the resurrection of the dead, who will have to face the judgment of God at the appointed time (Acts 17:31); and for this “new teaching” (Acts 17:19) about the hope of the “resurrection of the dead” (Acts 23:6; 24:15; 26:6-8) Paul was most often summoned and was “on trial” (Acts 23:6; 24:21; 28:20).

Peter and the other apostles and disciples of Christ actually believed and were convinced that there is salvation only in the name of Jesus Christ (Acts 4:12); and they called on the people to repent and to believe in Jesus Christ so that they may have life (Acts 11:18; 13:46, 48)⁶⁶. They basically proclaimed to the people the “Way” (Acts 9:2; 19:9, 23)⁶⁷ which is the “Way” of the Lord (Acts 18:25, 26) and the “Way” of salvation (Acts 16:17). This was the era of the beginnings of the early Church.

It is in the context of the early Church’s mission that one can locate Paul and his missionary activities in the gentile world. In all, Paul made three main missionary journeys⁶⁸. It is remarkable to note that Paul sent the gospel message to the people in the provinces⁶⁹ within the Roman Empire⁷⁰. It becomes clear ←38 | 39→from the historical evidence that it was on his second missionary journey around 50-52 CE⁷¹ that Paul and his collaborators (Silas and Timothy) set foot on the Macedonian province and ministered in Philippi (Acts 16:11 ff.), Thessalonica (Acts 17:1-9) and Beroea (Acts 17:10-15) in the northern part of Greece (now somewhere in the Republic of North Macedonia). Paul then went to Athens (Acts 17:16-34) and later to Corinth (Acts 18:1-17) in the province of Achaia in the southern part of Greece and the Aegean region⁷². The purpose of the missionary journeys and activities of Paul was that in the geographical horizons of the Imperium Romanum which he thought of, “the Christian belief should be preached in the whole cosmos”⁷³.

According to Elliger, Thessalonica – unlike Philippi (and Beroea) in the Macedonian region – was over the centuries a political, commercial, cultural and religious center, the significance of which could not be described in words. For this reason, it became the target of several tribes and nations to capture the city and submit it under their rule⁷⁴. The discussions that follow will center on the factors that contributed to the success or otherwise of Paul’s mission in Thessalonica. These factors will be delved into from the spectrum of the foundation of Thessalonica, its political development as well as its socio-economic and religious conditions before, during and after Paul’s mission in the city.

F (i). Foundation of Thessalonica and its Political Development

Commentators are on the consensus that Thessalonica was established in 316 or 315 BCE⁷⁵. This was after the bloody wars that broke out after the death of ←39 | 40→Alexander the Great (323 BCE), the king of Greece, and the subsequent partition of his kingdom (Greece). Macedonia then came under the rule of Cassander – a son of Antipater – after emerging as conqueror of the area⁷⁶. According to the Geographer and Historian Strabo, it was King Cassander who founded the city and named it after his wife Thessalonica⁷⁷, who was one of the half-sisters of Alexander the Great⁷⁸. The writings of Strabo indicate that the city was founded on the Thermean Gulf and it was populated by inhabitants from the nearby settlements. He describes how the city was built by King Cassander by writing that Cassander pulled down twenty-six towns on the Thermean Gulf and brought them into one city (Thessalonica), which is presently the Metropole of Macedonia⁷⁹. Among the twenty-six towns were: Apollonia, Chalastra, Therme, ←40 | 41→Garescus, Aenea and Cissus⁸⁰. Strabo concludes that Thessalonica was built to replace the old settlement of Therme⁸¹.