Japan’s Awakening: Moving toward an Autonomous Security Policy

Lionel P. Fatton / Oreste Foppiani

Japan’s Awakening:
Moving toward an
Autonomous Security Policy

Bern · Berlin · Bruxelles · New York · Oxford

Bibliographic Information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available online at http://dnb.d-nb.de.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress.

This publication benefited from a research grant awarded by Webster University Geneva’s Research Committee.

Cover photograph:
Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force. Courtesy of Capt. Takashi Nara, Military Attaché, Embassy of Japan to Italy.

Cover Design: © Olaf Gloeckler, Atelier Platen, Friedberg

ISBN 978-3-0343-2828-9 (Print)

E-ISBN 978-3-0343-2821-0 (E-PDF)

E-ISBN 978-3-0343-2822-7 (EPUB)

E-ISBN 978-3-0343-2823-4 (MOBI)

DOI 10.3726/b10947

This publication has been peer reviewed.

© Peter Lang AG

International Academic Publishers

Bern 2019

All rights reserved.

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About the authors

Lionel P. Fatton is Assistant Professor of International Relations at Webster University Geneva, Research Collaborator at the Research Institute for the History of Global Arms Transfer, Meiji University, Tokyo, and Adjunct Fel-low at the Charhar Institute, Beijing. He researched extensively on Asian security issues and China-Japan-U.S. relations. He holds a Ph.D. from Sciences Po Paris.

Oreste Foppiani is Associate Professor of International History & Politics at Webster University Geneva, where he chairs the Department of Interna-tional Relations. He taught or researched at New York University, Aoyama Gakuin University, and the J.M.S.D.F. Command & Staff College. He holds a Ph.D. from the Graduate Institute of International & Development Studies.

About the book

Oreste Foppiani is Associate Professor of International History & Politics at Webster University Geneva, where he chairs the Department of Interna-tional Relations. He taught or researched at New York University, Aoyama Gakuin University, and the J.M.S.D.F. Command & Staff College. He holds a Ph.D. from the Graduate Institute of International & Development Studies.

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Table of Contents

Preface

Acknowledgements

List of Abbreviations

1. Introduction

2. Theoretical Approaches to Japan’s Security Policy

Explaining Japan’s Security Policy since 1945

The Entrapment-Abandonment Dilemma and Autonomy

3. The Evolution of Japan’s Security Policy, 1945–2009

Japan’s Security Policy, 1945–1989: Bounded Autonomy and Immobilism

Japan’s Security Policy, 1990–2009: Staying the Course after the Cold War

4. China: Toward Self-Reliant Armed Forces and Harder Balancing

Growing Chinese Threat and Uncertainty about American Commitments

Toward Self-Reliant and Interoperable Armed Forces

5. North Korea: Toward Operational Autonomy and Strike Capabilities

Growing North Korean Threat and Ballistic Missile Defense

From Ballistic Missile Defense to Strike Capabilities

6. Conclusion

Bibliography←7 | 8→ ←8 | 9→

Preface

The catalyst of this book was the encounter between the two authors in 2016. We were both interested in security and military affairs and had direct acquaintances with Japan, Oreste Foppiani having studied and taught at the J.M.S.D.F. Command and Staff College and Aoyama Gakuin University, and Lionel Fatton at Waseda University. These common interests and special relationships with Japan triggered discussions and debates about the past, current, and future security policy of the country. One being a historian (Oreste Foppiani) and the other a political scientist (Lionel Fatton), differences naturally emerged, but we both acknowledged one key tendency: Japan was gradually awakening and reclaiming the use of military power as an instrument of national security and foreign policy.

The obvious question was: Why was a country that for more than half a century had maintained a relatively low international profile and had relied heavily on the United States for its security suddenly charting a new course? Answering this question appeared to us of paramount importance. Not only did the reorientation of Japan’s security policy represent a rupture with past practices and was consequently of academic interest, the country was also an economic superpower with the potential to reclaim the status of full-fledged great power it possessed before 1945. And given the historical, territorial, and political tensions between Japan and its neighbors, China in particular, such a strategic reorientation toward a more autonomous and proactive security policy could jeopardize international stability in East Asia and the entire Asia-Pacific region.

The research started in the second half of 2016. In addition to collecting and analyzing primary and secondary sources, we had the opportunity to visit the United States and Japan several times to gather first-hand information from lawmakers and security experts. This allowed us to grasp the complexity of Japan’s international position and lawmakers process in terms of national security. This also enabled us to bring a fresh view on the evolution of the country’s security policy.←9 | 10→

One of the main challenges encountered during the research was the rapidly changing international environment. With Donald Trump assuming presidency in January 2017, uncertainty about the behavior of Japan’s traditional ally and most powerful country of the world increased. After a period of relative calm exemplified by cordial meetings between the two heads of state, the relationship between the United States and China began to worsen amid trade disputes. Inversely, after tensions peaked in 2017, the United States and North Korea entered direct negotiations over the latter’s nuclear and missile programs, bringing some hope for a normalization of bilateral relations. These developments led us to postpone the publication of the book in order to take into account the rapidly changing international dynamics. Following the release of Japan’s latest National Defense Program Guidelines in December 2018, we thought the time was ripe to publish the results of our research.←10 | 11→

Acknowledgements

The writing of this book has been a collaborative effort in many regards. I am deeply indebted to Masakatsu Ōta of Kyodo News for his unflagging support during my visits to Japan, and to Yoshihisa Kobayashi, head of the Kyodo News Geneva bureau, for his flexibility. I also extend my sincere thanks to Sadayuki Shimizu of Kōmeitō for his patience, Katsuya Tsukamoto of the National Institute for Defense Studies for his warm welcome in Tokyo, and Shino Hateruma of Waseda University for her backing. The journey toward the completion of this book would have been much more difficult without them.

I would also like to convey my deep appreciation to all the persons who shared their views with me for their availability and their time: Hirotsugu Aida (Aoyama Gakuin University), Satoshi Inoue (Japanese Communist Party), Yōji Kōda (Ret. Vice Adm.), Seiji Maehara (Democratic Party for the People), Narushige Michishita (National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies), Akio Miyajima (International Peace Cooperation Headquarters, Cabinet Office), Akihisa Nagashima (Independent), Yasuhide Nakayama (Liberal Democratic Party), Rintarō Ogata (Independent), Fumio Ōta (Ret. Vice Adm.), Masakatsu Ōta (Kyodo News), Isamu Ueda (Kōmeitō), Chikako Kawakatsu Ueki (Waseda University) and Kyōji Yanagisawa (former defense official).

Lastly, my profound gratitude goes to Webster University for the generosity in terms of research grants. This allowed me to collect key information and meet the right people, and to formulate an argument that hopefully will add to our understanding of Japan’s security policy.

Lionel P. Fatton, April 2019

For the research grants, I thank the Webster University Geneva Research Committee. For a visiting fellowship and professorship in 2013–14, the J. M.S.D.F. Command and Staff College and Aoyama Gakuin University. I would also like to thank for their advice Professors Gerald Curtis and Kent Calder as well as Admirals Dennis Blair, Izuru Fukumoto, Fumio Ōta, and Umio Ōtsuka. Special thanks go also to Prof. Chiyuki Aoi, Dr. Yoshio Katayama, Dr. Alessio Patalano, Cdr. Naoto Yagi, Dr. Jeffrey Hornung, Mr.←11 | 12→ Brian Graf, Lt. Col. James Kendall, Dr. Alexandre Vautravers, Dr. Jubin Goodarzi, Dr. Kevin Stringer, and Vice Adm. Dario Giacomin.

Oreste Foppiani, April 2019←12 | 13→

List of Abbreviations

Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement = A.C.S.A.

Air Defense Identification Zone = A.D.I.Z.

Air-Sea Battle = A.S.B.

Air Self-Defense Force = A.S.D.F.

Alliance Coordination Mechanism = A.C.M.

Amphibious Assault Vehicles-7 = A.A.V.-7

Anti-access/area denial = A.2/A.D.

Anti-submarine warfare = A.S.W.

Association of Southeast Asian Nations = A.S.E.A.N.

Ballistic Missile Defense = B.M.D.

Basic Defense Force = B.D.F.

Basic Policy for National Defense = B.P.N.D.

Bilateral Coordination Mechanism = B.C.M.

Cabinet Intelligence and Research Office = C.I.R.O.

Cabinet Legislation Bureau = C.L.B.

Carrier Strike Group = C.S.G.

Collective Self-Defense = C.S.D.

Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance = C.4.I.S.R.