Rudolf. Crown Prince and Rebel

Translation of the New and Revised Edition, «Kronprinz Rudolf. Ein Leben» (Amalthea, 2005)

by Brigitte Hamann (Author)
©2017 Monographs XXII, 472 Pages


Brigitte Hamann portrays Rudolf von Habsburg, Crown Prince of Austria, as a liberal intellectual who stood in opposition to his father Emperor Franz Josef and the imperial establishment. Against the prevailing currents of his time, Rudolf wanted to modernize the Habsburg Empire by abolishing the privileges of the aristocracy. He vehemently opposed nationalism and anti-Semitism and fought for liberalism and democracy and the rights of the minorities within the multinational Empire. His political goal was a United Europe of liberal states. For a long time, Crown Prince Rudolf was known mainly in connection with his suicide at Mayerling with Baroness Mary Vetsera. However, the Mayerling tragedy may be seen as the last consequence of living without any prospect of realizing his ideals.

Table Of Contents

  • Cover
  • Title
  • Copyright
  • About the author(s)/editor(s)
  • About the book
  • This eBook can be cited
  • Contents
  • Translator’s Note
  • Sources
  • Introduction (from the 1978 edition of Rudolf. Kronprinz und Rebell)
  • Preface (from the 2005 edition of Kronprinz Rudolf. Ein Leben)
  • Chapter 1: Childhood at the Imperial Court in Vienna
  • Chapter 2: A Bourgeois Education
  • Chapter 3: A Year of Traveling
  • Chapter 4: Ornithology
  • Chapter 5: Residence in Prague
  • Chapter 6: An Inappropriate Friendship
  • Chapter 7: Representation for Technology and Science
  • Chapter 8: The Military
  • Chapter 9: Hungary
  • Chapter 10: Chaos in the Balkans
  • Chapter 11: Germany
  • Chapter 12: The Big Reversal
  • Chapter 13: The Road to Mayerling
  • Chapter 14: Mayerling
  • The Last Week
  • January 26th
  • January 27th
  • January 28th
  • January 29th
  • January 30th
  • January 31st
  • Chapter 15: Reactions
  • Notes
  • Abbreviations
  • Chapter 1: Childhood at the Imperial Court in Vienna
  • Chapter 2: A Bourgeois Education
  • Chapter 3: A Year of Traveling
  • Chapter 4: Ornithology
  • Chapter 5: Residence in Prague
  • Chapter 6: An Inappropriate Friendship
  • Chapter 7: Representation for Technology and Science
  • Chapter 8: The Military
  • Chapter 9: Hungary
  • Chapter 10: Chaos in the Balkans
  • Chapter 11: Germany
  • Chapter 12: The Big Reversal
  • Chapter 13: The Road to Mayerling
  • Chapter 14: Mayerling
  • Chapter 15: Reactions
  • Crown Prince Rudolf Bibliography
  • Books
  • Anonymous Brochures
  • Contributions to the Series of Works Edited by the Crown Prince, The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in Word and Image
  • Ornithological Writings
  • Newspaper Articles
  • Index

| xiii →

When the Holy Roman Empire ended in 1806, the Habsburg ruler Francis I (r. 1804–35) declared himself “Emperor of Austria,” a title which became hereditary among his successors (Magocsi 73). Between 1867 and 1914, the Austro-Hungarian Empire included Cis-Leithania and Trans-Leithania: the three kingdoms Bohemia, Dalmatia, and Galicia-Lodomeria; two archduchies: Lower Austria and Upper Austria; six duchies: Bukovina, Carinthia, Carniola, Salzburg, Silesia, Styria; two margraviates: Istria, Moravia; three counties: Gorizia-Gradisca, Tyrol, Vorarlberg; and one town: Trieste. Austria was joined with Hungary in the Dual Monarchy after the Compromise of 1867, and the Austrian Emperor was crowned King of Hungary. Both states had common ministries of foreign affairs, war, and finance, but separate parliaments in Vienna and Budapest (80). The Habsburg Emperor Franz Joseph ruled in conservative fashion over Austria-Hungary from 1848 to 1916. His death saved him from witnessing the collapse of his Empire at the end of World War I, which might have been averted if he had considered the political ideas of his son.

Crown Prince Rudolf (1858–1889) might have been able to establish a United Europe under Habsburg rule, had his life not been cut short by his premature death in Mayerling. As a representative of liberalism and democracy, who espoused the rights of the minorities in the Austro-Hungarian Empire and opposed nationalism and anti-Semitism, he stood in opposition to the policies of his father and Franz Joseph’s counselors. Rudolf would have forged alliances with France, England, and Russia rather than Germany and Bismarck and wanted to ← xiii | xiv → incorporate Bosnia-Herzegovina into the existing empire as independent states. This would have isolated Germany and could have led to a federation of self-determining nations that extended into the Balkans. Actually, Rudolf believed that Austria had already achieved a United States of Europe when he said to Georges Clemenceau in December 1886 that under the Habsburgs, Victor Hugo’s dream of a United States of Europe had been accomplished in miniature form: “Österreich ist ein Staatenblock verschiedenster Nationen und verschiedenster Rassen unter einheitlicher Führung. Jedenfalls ist das die grundlegende Idee eines Österreich, und es ist eine Idee von ungeheuerster Wichtigkeit für die Weltzivilisation” (Hamann, Rudolf. Kronprinz und Rebell 13). He admits that conditions were not totally harmonious, but this was temporary, he thought, and did not detract from the idea itself. “Es besagt nur, daß eine solche Idee im liberalsten Sinn Harmonie und Gleichgewicht sichern müßte” (13). To assure such a balance is the task of the United Europe (European Union) today, not as a political entity, but as an economic union with humanitarian goals for equality among nations.

Dr. Otto von Habsburg (1912–2011), son of Karl I, the last Emperor of Austria, took up Rudolf’s ideals and helped to shape policy for the United Europe of today in the European Parliament. The European Union currently includes 28 countries, territorially extending well beyond those that once belonged to the Holy Roman Empire, which was ruled by the Habsburgs for centuries. It has expanded peacefully into the Balkans, Poland and the Baltic countries of Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia. Today, it includes Central Europe, as well as Romania and Bulgaria, which formerly were part of the Austrian Empire. It has open borders for European nationals, a common currency, and free trade across its borders, as Eméric Crucé envisioned already in the early seventeenth century. Because of the relevance of Rudolf’s ideas to events unfolding in Europe in our times, I want to make Brigitte Hamann’s biography of Crown Prince Rudolf of Austria-Hungary available to an English-speaking public.

This translation is based on Hamann’s Kronprinz Rudolf. Ein Leben (Vienna: Amalthea Signum Verlag, 2005), which is the revised and expanded edition of Rudolf. Kronprinz und Rebell (Vienna: Amalthea Verlag, 1978). With permission from the publisher in Vienna, I chose to keep the title of the original 1978 edition for my translation, because it so accurately characterizes Rudolf’s life. Though he never intended to be a “rebel,” he was revolutionary in his thinking and—as an intellectual with progressive and liberal ideas—in constant opposition to the Ministers at Court, the aristocracy, and the conservative rule of his father, the Emperor.

Amalthea also graciously allowed me to add (in translation) Brigitte Hamann’s original introduction from the 1978 edition of Rudolf. Kronprinz und Rebell to ← xiv | xv → her preface in the 2005 edition, Kronprinz Rudolf. Ein Leben. Her first introduction deals with the history of the source materials and the political background and historical circumstances affecting research into Rudolf’s life. It also clearly enumerates the most important new sources available for the 1978 edition, as well as making the reader aware of what materials are still missing: much of Rudolf’s own correspondence, the files about his political and journalistic activities, and the Mayerling papers.

One of the salient features of the new and revised edition of 2005 are the numerous illustrations. For my translation, however, I have selected only photographs of Rudolf, members of his family, and other images of the most prominent figures in Rudolf’s immediate circles. They are from Hamann’s private archives and have been licensed with the copyright for the translation.

For the most part, I have adhered to the formatting conventions used by the author for her text, notes, and the bibliography of Rudolf’s writings. That includes raised footnotes and a table of abbreviations for Hamann’s documentary sources in the end notes. Because the author used parentheses for explanatory comments in the body of her work, I used brackets to differentiate my comments from hers. In my translation, long quotations from archival materials consistently appear in italics, while Hamann often incorporates them in her book within quotation marks and without italics, using full margins. In lengthy passages from letters, memoirs, and other archival sources, I have generally respected the style and punctuation of the originals, especially in long enumerations, where some sentences simply could not be structurally or syntactically reformulated. On the whole, I have tried to stay faithful to Hamann’s text while adapting her often very complicated sentence structure to the demands of the English language.


Borchardt, Edith. “Visions of a United Europe: Novalis, Eméric Crucé, Victor Hugo, and Rudolf von Habsburg.” In: Schatzkammer der deutschen Sprache, Dichtung und Geschichte 2001: XXVII.

Hamann, Brigitte. Rudolf. Kronprinz und Rebell. München: Piper Verlag, 1995.

Magocsi, Paul Robert. Historical Atlas of East Central Europe1. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1998.

| xvii →

Everything Hermann Broch considered so characteristic for the end of the nineteenth century in Austria-Hungary belongs in this biography, of course, and especially this one: frivolity, addiction to pleasure in a world approaching its end, the ghostly “wisdom of the operetta,” and the melancholy bliss of those imbibing the new wine. Vienna’s “gay apocalypse” seems to crystallize around the figure of Crown Prince Rudolf. And yet the scandals known all too well are the least important part in this Habsburg’s life.

One can hardly reproach historians for the fact that Crown Prince Rudolf is remembered by history mainly as a womanizer (which he was), as an anti-clerical free spirit (which he also was), and as a political fool (which he was not at all). For he was a politician only in secret—behind the back of his father, who jealously kept him from having any official influence. His political lead articles in a “Jewish” liberal tabloid newspaper he kept secret from the court around him (and from historians), as secret as his political writings.

He did not make public his political views, which would have seemed revolutionary to the Court of Franz Joseph, because he rightly feared that he would never accede to the throne if they were known. Unlike almost anyone else, he swam against the stream of modern political trends in the eighties. He was a philo-Semite at a time when anti-Semitism was at its worst. He thought and acted supranationally at a time of embittered struggles among the nationalities of the Empire. He polemicized against the German-Austrian Alliance—at a time ← xvii | → when not only Schönerer saw the solution of many a problem in siding with the German Empire. He also declared his tolerance in religious matters at a time when Catholicism was politically correct. Finally, he fought against the supreme role of the aristocracy and clergy and saw in the middle class the “basis for a modern state.”

His infamous end at Mayerling almost destroyed the hope for an evaluation of Rudolf that does him justice in the context of history. Even the last sources which might have offered insights about him have now “disappeared.” For 27 years, until the death of Emperor Franz Joseph, uttering the name of Crown Prince Rudolf at Court was not allowed, let alone an attempt at rehabilitation. It was not until 1928 that the first and until now last authoritative biography of Rudolf appeared, penned by Oskar von Mitis, former Director of the Imperial Court and State Archives. It made possible the first insights into Rudolf’s political views.

After the appearance of the Mitis biography, a long pause occurred in the scholarly treatment of the Crown Prince’s life, perhaps because of the quality of the sources and their closeness to the Mitis book, which discouraged many a possible successor, but especially because of future politics until 1945. Above all, the anti-liberalism of the Catholic hierarchical state, which existed until 1938, offered unfavorable conditions for an objective judgment of the demonstratively anti-clerical Crown Prince. The realization of the Anschluß with Germany in 1938, much desired by Rudolf’s arch enemy Schönerer, ran counter to Rudolf’s emphatically Austrian patriotism. The Völkische Beobachter (August 21, 1938) scoffed at “Rudolf’s confused Jewish world of thought,” remarking that Habsburg decadence had succumbed to the well-aimed poisoned arrows of the Jewish intelligentsia.

Since the publication of the Mitis biography, half a century has passed. All of Rudolf’s contemporaries are dead, even those for whom Mitis showed special consideration: his widow Stephanie (who died as Princess Lónyay in 1945), his daughter Elisabeth (who died as Frau Petzneck in 1963), and his opponent in Berlin, Wilhelm II (who died in exile in 1941). The ideas which Rudolf fought against in despair also were destroyed in nights of bombing raids and on the battle fields of the Second World War: anti-Semitism, nationalism—especially of the kind desiring a Greater Germany—with its idea of linking Austria to the German Empire. A sense of Austria as a state independent of Germany developed during the time of the occupation, from 1938–1945.

Those are facts which, in my opinion, create new conditions for a biography of Rudolf. I am convinced that it only can happen in our time, which has rediscovered the supranational idea. (The Head of the House of Habsburg is a convinced representative for the ideal of a United Europe.) Our time considers ← xviii | → national and religious tolerance a given—at least theoretically—and the times of a Schönerer (and his ideological successor from Braunau on the Inn, who exploded all limits of the imagination) are definitely past. Only our epoch can render the person of Crown Prince Rudolf a more just evaluation.

In the last fifty years, a series of new sources about the Crown Prince have become known. Above all, the memoirs of Crown Princess Stephanie have been published. Berta Zuckerkandl, too, the daughter of Moriz Szeps, has published heretofore unknown materials, especially about Rudolf’s conversations with Clemenceau. Egon Caesar Conte Corti has used numerous new sources in his books, which are relevant for the biography of the Crown Prince as well. In scientific journals a whole series of letters written by Rudolf has appeared, letters which were previously unknown.

The most important new sources which I present in this work are: the numerous letters and writings by Rudolf from Archduke Albrecht’s estate (originals are in the Hungarian State Archives, microfilms in the Imperial Court and State Archives) and from the estate of Archduke Franz Ferdinand (with the kind permission of Prince Hohenberg), Rudolf’s letters to the Zoologist Alfred Brehm (German State Library in Berlin), diaries by his teachers Zhisman (Vienna University Library) and Hochstetter (with the kind support of University Professor Dr. Arthur von Hochstetter, Basel), and also the diaries of Count Carl Khevenhüller (Depot Khevenhüller in the Imperial Court and State Archives, Vienna), and General Kuhn (War Archives, Vienna). I also drew heavily on the estates of Anton Gindely (Archivní Správá in Prague) and Heinrich Friedjung (Vienna City Library). Of course, I consulted the definitive political files in the Imperial Court and State Archive and the other Vienna archives, especially the diplomatic files of the Office for External Affairs (which today are found in Bonn).

It seemed especially important to me to consult all kinds of contemporary newspapers as sources when dealing with a man like the Crown Prince, who was an impassioned journalist. I quote for the first time from the weekly magazine Black/Yellow with its antagonistic stance toward Germany, which was most probably “inspired” by the Crown Prince (like the Wiener Tagblatt, the Vienna Daily).

I cite in detail a brochure which appeared in Paris in 1888 and with great probability, bordering on certainty, was authored by Rudolf: “Austria-Hungary and its Alliances. Open Letter to His Majesty Emperor Franz Joseph I.”

But even if it was possible to incorporate a few new sources in my work, I must point out that the major part of Rudolf’s correspondence (letters he wrote himself, as well as letters addressed to him) is still missing, as well as the files about his political and journalistic activities, not to speak of the Mayerling papers. ← xix | →

In the course of my work over five years, I have accepted much help in the form of advice and information, for which I want to express my gratitude. Above all, I wish to thank the staff of the Archives and Collections I used, especially Court Councillor Dr. Rudolf Neck (Imperial Court and State Archive); Dr. Peter Broucek (War Archive); and Dr. Rudolf Ziesche (Collection of Prussian Cultural Acquisitions, Berlin). My husband, too, deserves thanks for his help with my voluminous correspondence; University Professor DDr. Heinrich Benedikt for reading the manuscript; and University Professor Dr. Adam Wandruszka for his understanding and tolerance in accepting the first draft of this book as my dissertation.

| xxi →

This biography of Crown Prince Rudolf appeared for the first time 27 years ago, in 1978. When the opportunity presented itself to make available a new and modernized version, I gladly agreed, because this book is special for me, the result of strenuous efforts.

During these 27 years, I occupied myself with many themes which show Rudolf from other perspectives. Above all, this is the case in the biography of his mother—Elisabeth, Kaiserin wider Willen [Elisabeth, The Reluctant Empress] (1981)—followed by the editing of the Poetic Diary of the Empress (1984), which offers much that is surprising, though little that demonstrates love for her son. Franz Joseph’s letters to Katharina Schratt (1992) shed light on the unassuming character of Rudolf’s father. Moreover, I want to mention the editing of Rudolf’s secret and private writings (1979). The history of those political currents which have great importance in Rudolf’s biography is continued in the book Hitler’s Vienna (1996).

These different points of view have influenced this new edition, together with new scholarship by other historians, of course, but they do not fundamentally change the 1978 portrait of Rudolf resulting from five years of archival work.

However, the history of Rudolf’s life is suited to provide a focal point for recognizing the dilemma of the multinational Empire of Austria-Hungary toward the end of the 19th century. No matter how much Rudolf tried to form his country into a model for a modern Europe of the future, it became bitterly clear to him that he had no influence. The Viennese Court considered the Crown Prince—who ← xxi | → was a much too liberal spirit, surrounding himself in his private life with members of the bourgeoisie, intellectuals and Jews—as an enemy and refused to give him political information. Many a diary reveals open glee when it became public knowledge in 1886 that Rudolf was infected with a venereal disease that became more and more serious.

When Rudolf’s friend and model, the German Emperor Friedrich III, died after a reign of only 99 days, Rudolf’s dream of a peaceful, liberal Europe ended. Rudolf feared that Emperor Wilhelm II, who appeared aggressively national and conservative, “loyal” like the Nibelungs, would draw Austria-Hungary into a great European war, which in his estimation would be the end of the multinational Empire. Additionally, German nationalism in Austria increased by leaps and bounds under the Pan-German Georg von Schönerer, and the call for annexation of the German parts of Cisleithania by the Hohenzollern Empire became dangerously vocal. At the same time, anti-Semitism increased to an alarming extent.

During this time, Rudolf, seriously ill, treated with morphine and working ceaselessly, lost his hopes for the future, considered suicide, and searched for a companion in death. However, his mistress, Mizzi Caspar—to whom he suggested dying together at the Hussar Temple in Mödling by shooting each other—refused and fought her way to the Prime Minister and Secretary of the Interior, Counte Taaffe, in order to save Rudolf. Taaffe merely shrugged his shoulders in response. He did not inform the Emperor. On the contrary, like many others at Court, he considered Rudolf’s death a kind of relief.

With that, we have reached the prequel to Mayerling, a theme which even during the last thirty years has filled many a sensationalizing book with supposedly ever new, but really only just recently unearthed old theories. Ex-Empress Zita’s claim that Rudolf had become the victim of a conspiracy by freemasons and had been assassinated made the biggest headlines. This hysteria found a grotesque climax in the stealing of the coffin containing Mary Vetsera’s body from the crypt, in order to prove Zita’s thesis, which of course was not possible.

It is a fact that Rudolf shot the euphoric seventeen-year-old Mary, who was not left-handed, in the left temple and then used the weapon against himself. This guilt-laden, lamentable end of such a promising life made even Rudolf’s most loyal friends fall silent and clouded his image in history. It is important to me to give an account of the life of this highly gifted member of the Habsburg dynasty, in order to make his death comprehensible.

| 1 →

Times were so bad that Emperor Franz Joseph, then 28 years old, announced in the official newspapers shortly before his wife gave birth to their third child that “even on this happy occasion no costly celebration was to take place, but that consideration was to be given to the poor and suffering.”1

The Revolution of 1848/49 had depleted the country in all parts of the monarchy. The military expenses for suppressing by force large restless provinces like Northern Italy and Hungary required huge sums. An excessively expensive celebration, especially a show of courtly splendor, only too easily could have become the spark for new unrest among subjects already burdened in many ways.

This way, however, the birth of Crown Prince Rudolf on August 21, 1858, in Laxenburg, Vienna, became a “true celebration of humanity,” as the Pester Lloyd contentedly registered. As the Emperor wished, the wealthy gave alms to the poor, if only on this patriotic occasion. Owners of large estates and bankers offered money for pregnant women in need, homeless children, the incurably ill, and poor widows of officers. Bakers distributed bread for the poor, a few communities gave away wood for fire. The military here and there received an extra ration of meat or wine.

The Emperor founded a new hospital in Vienna, the “Rudolf Hospital” [Rudolfsspital], built for “at least one thousand patients without regard to race or religion.” The City of Vienna also received 20,000 Gulden “preferably to be spent in support of the hard-pressed classes, like craftspeople and workers, and then for the shamefaced poor.” ← 1 | 2 →

The provinces, too, profited from the Emperor’s joy. Ten places for study were endowed at the Theresian Academy for young men from Croatia and Slavonia, the Serbian Voivodeship, the Banat of Temesvár, and Siebenbürgen [Transylvania]. Ten orphaned daughters of deserving civil servants and the military from the same countries received stipends for support. Archduke Albrecht, the oldest Habsburg agnate and General Governor of Hungary—which was defeated in 1849 with help from the Russian army—gave alms to the poor of Ofen-Pest [Buda-Pest]. Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian, the Emperor’s younger brother and Governor General in Northern Italy—which was kept calm only with the greatest of efforts and military force—donated money for the poor of Milan and Venice.

The Habsburg Court was able to register with satisfaction the celebratory happiness of a population that in the last thirty years had hardly shown any patriotism. Whether these patriotic demonstrations of joy, which drew much attention in the heavily censored newspapers of the monarchy, indeed said anything about the popularity of the young imperial couple and the court remains a question.

In any case, it was mostly the Viennese, who always enjoyed a good spectacle, taking pleasure in the traditional customs following the birth of a Crown Prince. Twenty cannons communicated the happy event with 101 shots from the ramparts of the old city walls. In the big cities of the monarchy—Vienna, Ofen-Pest, Prague, Milan, Venice, Trieste, Lemberg, and Krakow—at least the barracks, schools, and official buildings were illuminated and decorated with flags. All the religions and creeds represented in the monarchy—Roman and Greek Catholics, Greek and Russian Orthodox, Lutherans, Calvinists, Jews, as well as followers of the Islamic faith—celebrated festive services. Theaters gave celebratory performances and the money raised was given to the poor. Among the contributors was “Mr. Johann Nestroy, Director and Tenant of the Imperial and Royal Theater in the Leopoldstadt.” The Strauß Dynasty kept the family tradition of taking big events as an occasion for creating new compositions by writing the “Austrian Crown Prince March” [Kronprinzenmarsch] and the “Laxenburg Polka” [Laxenburger Polka], written by Josef Strauß.

The much-celebrated baby, subject of many poems, received the Order of the Golden Fleece from his father in his mahogany cradle and immediately became Colonel of his own Infantry Regiment. His titles were: “Rudolph Franz Carl Joseph, Crown Prince and Heir to the Throne of Imperial Austria, Royal Prince of Hungary and Bohemia, Lombardy and Venice, Dalmatia, Croatia, Slavonia, Galicia, Lodomeria and Illyria. Archduke of Austria. Knight of the Golden Fleece.”

The splendid baptism in Laxenburg was at the same time a political demonstration against the liberal ideas of 1848. In his baptismal speech, Cardinal ← 2 | 3 → Rauscher asserted the close connection between State and Church: “Austria, a stronghold of the Church and morality, has been placed between East and West as the protector of peace and justice.… By this calling, Your Majesty represents the basic principles on whose victory the welfare of society depends in a time of fermentation of the spirits, affecting the conditions for the survival of the State, which is endangered not only when revolution rages in the streets.…”


XXII, 472
ISBN (Softcover)
Publication date
2017 (January)
New York, Bern, Berlin, Bruxelles, Frankfurt am Main, Oxford, Wien, 2017. XXII, 472 pp.

Biographical notes

Brigitte Hamann (Author)

Brigitte Hamann, Dr. phil., was born in Essen and studied history and Germanistik in Münster and Vienna. She has been widely recognized for her numerous publications about Austrian history. Her main works, Elisabeth, Hitler’s Vienna, and Winifred Wagner, became bestsellers highly praised by experts and the press. Until her death on October 4, 2016, she lived in Vienna, Austria. Edith Borchardt, Professor of German Emerita (University of Minnesota, Morris), was born in Vienna, Austria. She received her A.B. from Vassar College and her M.A. and her Ph.D. from the University of California, Berkeley. She is the author of Mythische Strukturen im Werk Heinrich von Kleists (1987) and Women in the Shadows (2008), a translation of Charles S. Chiu’s Frauen im Schatten.


Title: Rudolf. Crown Prince and Rebel
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