Table Of Contents
- About the editors
- About the book
- This eBook can be cited
- Table of Contents
- Introductory Essay: Trinity College Dublin as a Waldensian lieu de mémoire (Sarah Alyn Stacey)
- Review of Contributions: Part I (Joanna Poetz)
- Review of Contributions: Part II (Sarah Alyn Stacey)
- Part I Editing Waldensian Texts and Manuscripts
- 1 Of Manuscripts and Men: The Case of the Waldenses (Marina Benedetti)
- 2 Circulation de livres et stratégies de traduction dans les communautés vaudoises (ca. 1500) : pour l’édition critique des Actes des Apôtres en occitan vaudois (Caterina Menichetti)
- 3 Text and Circulation amongst the Waldensians: The Example of TCD Manuscript 262 (Joanna Poetz)
- 4 Die Somme le Roi in den Waldenserhandschriften (Lothar Vogel)
- 5 The Critical Edition of the Waldensian Sermons: History, Challenges and Further Avenues for Research (Andrea Giraudo)
- Part II Constructing Waldensian Identity
- 6 Una difficile eredità per la Riforma elvetico-strasburghese: i valdesi del Mezzogiorno d’Italia (Alfonso Tortora)
- 7 The Waldensians of Upper Austria (1395–1399): : The Middle Ages’ ‘Forgotten Heretics’ in Historical Fact and Literary Fiction (Georg Modestin)
- 8 ‘La Tirannie vaudoise’: stereotipi culturali e immagine pubblica dei valdesi tra il ducato sabaudo e il Baden-Württemberg (Marco Bettassa)
- 9 L’Identité vaudoise : l’évolution de la légende : sur leur origine depuis la Réforme jusqu’au dix-neuvième siècle (Yutaka Arita)
- 10 Religion et identité visuelle : les Vaudois et l’image peinte dans les Alpes Occidentales à la fin du Moyen Âge (Marianne Cailloux)
- 11 ‘A step or two nearer to the Anglican Church’: English, Scottish and Irish Contributions to the Creation of the Waldensian Libraries in the Nineteenth Century (Marco Fratini)
- 12 James Henthorn Todd, FTCD: His Work on the Waldensians in the Context of Nineteenth-Century Ireland (Patricia E. Mckee)
- Select Bibliography
- Notes on Contributors
- Series index
To date the Trinity Centre for Medieval and Renaissance Studies has organised two conferences around the rare collection of Waldensian manuscripts conserved in the Old Library in Trinity College Dublin. The first conference, Conflict and Society in Savoy 1400–1700/Les Conflits en Savoie 1400–1700, was held in Trinity 26–28 May 2010 and it gave rise to a peer-reviewed volume of essays, Political, Religious and Social Conflict in the States of Savoy, 1400–1700, Medieval and Early Modern French Studies, 14 (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2014). The volume was marked by a certain poignancy: a major contribution to the conference was by Federico Bo, a promising young researcher who gave a memorable presentation of the Waldensian manuscripts in the heart of Trinity’s Old Library, The Henry Jones Room. His chapter in the subsequent volume shed important new light on TCD MS Du 267. In the light of Federico’s sudden and untimely death prior to the publication of the volume, it was most fitting to dedicate the volume of essays to him. The fact that he was himself a Waldensian made this all the more appropriate.
The Trinity Centre for Medieval and Renaissance Studies organised a second conference, Waldensians in the Medieval and Early Modern European Context, and this was held in Trinity 9–10 February 2018. This was very much the labour of Joanna Poetz, one of my doctoral students. The conference allowed a welcome opportunity to build on the research questions discussed at the 2010 conference and to highlight again the unique Waldensian holding in Trinity’s Old Library. Particularly invaluable was the overview the conference permitted of the current state of research on Waldensian studies. What emerged from the conference were two central research themes: the question of Waldensian identity and the challenges posed by the editing of Waldensian material. These two questions form the foundation of this volume.
Gratitude must be expressed to a number of people for bringing this volume to fruition, notably to Christabel Scaife and Laurel Plapp, ←ix | x→Commissioning Editors at Peter Lang, for recognising the merits of this publication when it was first proposed. Their patience, efficiency and genuine interest have been crucial in the preparation of the volume. Our special thanks also to the series editor, Noël Peacock, for accepting the volume in his distinguished series. Our particular gratitude must, of course, be expressed to each of the contributors both for the invaluable insights they offered at the 2018 conference and for their revised chapters which we present here.
On the ‘home front’ of the Trinity Centre for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, the editors must acknowledge the selfless support given by Dr Greg Hulsman, Dr Kaitlyn Culliton and Ms Louise Kari-Méreau in the course of the organisation of the 2018 conference. Our thanks also to the various scholars in Trinity College Dublin who chaired the sessions and to the Trinity Long Room Hub (the Trinity Institute for Research into the Arts and Humanities) for providing the facilities. We wish also to thank the librarians of the Manuscripts and Archives Department of Trinity College Library for making the Waldensian manuscripts available at the conference. My own special thanks to Dr Gerald Morgan, FTCD, Director of the Chaucer Hub, and to Felix Alyn Morgan, for their support, advice and encouragement throughout the project. Acta non verba.
Sarah Alyn Stacey (Chief Editor), FTCD, Académie de Savoie,
Chevalier de l’ordre national du mérite
Trinity Centre for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
Department of French Trinity College Dublin
SARAH ALYN STACEY
The rich holdings of the Old Library of Trinity College Dublin bear keen testimony to the University’s standing as the sister college of the respective Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. Founded in 1592 by Elizabeth I, with a view to promoting a Protestant presence in Ireland,1 Trinity has been at the heart of the history of Ireland for well over four centuries and the various treasures in the Old Library, some better known than others, keenly reflect this.2 Given the Protestant identity ←1 | 2→and mission of the College,3 it is no surprise that, in the early years at least, a major proportion of the College holdings were theological in nature and embraced both Protestant and Catholic authors. Thanks to the efforts of two of the College’s founders, Luke Challoner (1550–1613) and James Ussher (1581–1656), by 1613 the Library possessed some four thousand books, a holding substantially increased by the transfer to the Library of Ussher’s books after his death. Today, of course, the collections are considerably larger and form a most precious nucleus key to historical research across all the disciplines. The Old Library houses, for example, over 20,000 collections of manuscripts and archives dating from 13BC to the present day and in a large variety of languages reflective of its considerable international range of holdings.4 In terms of early modern holdings, a major strength is the range of the Library’s donated collections, amongst which the Fagel, Gilbert and Aspin Collections to name but three.5
A central focus of this volume of chapters is Trinity College Dublin’s unique holding of Waldensian manuscripts, a legacy of Ussher’s library. James Henthorn Todd (1805–1869), who did so much to develop the College library, offered the first detailed analysis of them. This was in his Books of the Vaudois, a pioneering work published in 1865 which will ←2 | 3→be referred to frequently throughout this volume of chapters.6 Although research has advanced beyond his findings, his significance in relation to the field of Waldensian studies remains crucial. Ten manuscripts, IE TCD MS 258–267, make up the collection proper.7 They include, for example, a Waldensian Bible on vellum dating back to 1522; sixteenth-century poems, prose writings and tracts; papers on the mission in 1530 of Georges Morel and Pierre Masson to Martin Bucer and Johannes Oecolampadius.8
The very presence of the Waldensian holding and the circumstances in which it came to the College through Ussher reflect not merely the historically strong Protestant identity of the College but the great preoccupation of its scholars (through to the present day) with religious dissent within Christianity.9 We should be mindful in this respect that Elizabeth I founded the College after her excommunication by Pope Pius V in a papal bull, Regnans in excelsis, issued on 25 February 1570: the institution has consequently stood for centuries as an embodiment in its own right of religious (and political) dissent from Catholicism and largely to its disadvantage even until recent times despite the inter-denominational identity it embraced at least from the eighteenth century onwards.10 As a signifier of such religious dissent and persecution, the Waldensian holding is complemented by other major College collections: the manuscripts relating ←3 | 4→to John Wycliffe (MSS 241–246, 520), particularly the nine manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible (MSS 66–67, 70–76), and the 1641 Depositions supporting the allegation of a massacre of Protestant settlers after the rebellion by the Catholic Irish in October 1641 (MSS 809–841) come immediately to mind.
The significance of Trinity’s Waldensian holding is perhaps best understood in the light of how the perceived persecution and identity of the Waldensians were utilised in the conflict between Catholics and Protestants at least between the sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries.11 For the Protestants, the Waldensians, conflated with the Albigensians from the middle of the sixteenth century onwards,12 represented an invaluable sustained link to apostolic succession and a justification for a break with Rome that they themselves were advocating.13 Consequently, for certain writers such as John Bale, John Foxe and Matthias Flacius Illyricus writing in the mid-sixteenth century, the persecution of the Waldensians signalled the reign of the papal Antichrist.14 The inclusion of the Waldensians in Jean Crespin’s Histoire des martyrs (1554–1608) and John Foxe’s Acts and Monuments (1563–1583) seems to have served a pedagogical aim not just to ←4 | 5→promote Reformed orthodoxy but to provide an exhortation to the forbearance necessary in order to follow what was deemed to be the true doctrine.15 Moreover, the massacre of the Waldensians carried out by Savoyard troops in 1655, widely reported through vivid accounts such as those by J. Stouppe and Samuel Morland (the English Ambassador to Piedmont),16 were cited as justification for repression of Catholics in Ireland.17 The belief that Irish Catholics were amongst the troops murdering the Waldensians undoubtedly carried some weight.18 As John Marshall concludes, ‘It would be difficult to overstate the importance of the Waldensians in mid-[seventeenth] century English and Irish Protestant religious thought, dominated by the perceived threats of “Popery” and “Catholicism” and by alleged Catholic atrocities. The Waldensians then continued to occupy a central place in sermons on “popery” in the Restoration as evidence of what should be ←5 | 6→expected in England if Catholic kings came to rule there.’19 The support pledged by England for the Waldensians − Oliver Cromwell raised over thirty-eight thousand pounds for them and exercised pressure on France to intervene after the 1655 massacre20 − is indicative of their political significance and this support (from England and Ireland) persisted in various forms until very recently.21 Beyond England and Ireland, the various massacres, together with vivid reports of the persecution of the Waldensians ←6 | 7→in 1685–1686, played a central role in reinforcing a negative perception of Catholicism in countries which had embraced Protestantism.22
For the Catholics, in contrast, the Waldensians, not least because of their perceived identification with the Albigensian Heresy, served as an example of the grave dangers of tolerating heresy (and, therefore, the Reformation).23 In France, despite the efforts at conciliation notably through the Peace of Saint-Germain (1570) and the marriage between Marguerite de Valois and Henri de Navarre on 18 August 1572, this intolerance of ‘heretics’ of any sort came to be the prevailing attitude adopted after the Saint Bartholomew Massacre of 24 August 1572.24
In the Duchy of Savoy, where the nucleus of the Waldensian population in Italy was crucially concentrated in the valleys of Piedmont, the persecution had already proven to be particularly acute during the French occupation between 1536 and 1559.25 After the restoration of the duchy to Duke Emmanuel-Philibert following the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis (1559), the persecution continued. Despite having signed the Peace of Augsburg (1555), which sought to promote a degree of tolerance, the Duke began to assert ←7 | 8→aggressively a policy of non-tolerance.26 On 8 February 1560, he ordered the expulsion of the Waldensians from his territory and the destruction of their churches if they resisted. Negotiations in April and June came to nothing and then, in the winter of 1560 into the spring of 1561, the Duke sent the Count della Trinità with a force of two thousand men to convert them by force to Catholicism. After the failure of this campaign, however, the Duke ceased negotiating directly with the Waldensians: he transferred this responsibility to Filippo di Savoia-Racconigi and this resulted in the Treaty of Cavour, signed on 5 June 1561. The Treaty of Cavour represented a volte-face in terms of the Duke’s policy: it gave considerable freedoms to the Waldensians so that they were, for example, allowed to choose their pastors freely, those who had fled were able to return and take possession again of their property, and confiscated estates were restored.27 It is generally recognised as ‘the achievement’ of the Duke’s wife, Marguerite de France, who is mentioned positively by the Waldensians in some of the documents relating to the negotiations.28 Her sympathies for the Waldensians and, indeed, for the Protestant faction, are clearly expressed in her letters and attracted some criticism and suspicion, not least from Spain.29 The court of Savoy, through Marguerite’s influence, was then very publicly (albeit unofficially) a place of religious tolerance: quite apart from her role in the Treaty of Cavour (and later in the Treaty of Lausanne of 30 October 1564), she welcomed there a number of Protestants,30 and she even sent ←8 | 9→subsidies to Geneva to help cover the living costs of the Huguenots who had fled there after the Saint Bartholomew massacre.31 The Duke, however, remained a resolute defender of the Catholic faith. At least this is how his public identity was fashioned. Consider, for example, the following few lines from an ode of 1563 celebrating the Duke’s recovery from illness; written by Marc-Claude de Buttet (1529/31–1586), a Savoyard poet in the ducal couple’s entourage, it evokes the voice of God asserting the Duke’s key role in countering opposition to the Pope:
This division within the ducal couple highlights the complexity of what we should understand by ‘religious tolerance’ at least in the early modern period. As Benjamin J. Kaplan observes, it was often ‘pragmatic’ in nature and consequently mutable: ‘Toleration is not an unadulterated good to be celebrated, but rather a label for a complex and varied set of relationships ←9 | 10→between people of different religions, invariably characterized by tensions and disagreements as well as solidarities and accords.’33
The duality of the ducal couple’s position was undoubtedly a symptom of the fragility of this period of tolerance towards the Waldensians ushered in by the Treaty of Cavour: when the only son of the Duke and Duchess, Charles-Emmanuel, came to power in 1580, he pursued a policy of aggressive persecution of the Waldensians. This continued throughout the seventeenth century, not least because of the influence of France and the Habsburg Empire on the duchy. As Vigne notes: ‘[The Waldensians’] sufferings were in part to do with the Dukedom of Savoy’s precarious geographical position, with great Catholic powers of France and the Empire on their borders and the Pope an inconveniently near neighbour.’34 The fate of the Waldensians was finally decided by the diplomatic and military initiatives undertaken by England after the accession to the throne of Anne: a treaty, signed on 10 August 1704 and ratified in November 1705 by England, the Dutch Republic and Savoy, ultimately (although not immediately) guaranteed the Waldensians the freedom to practise their beliefs.35
This modest outline of the place of the Waldensians in the conflict between Catholics and Protestants from the Reformation onwards sheds some small light on the considerable significance of the Waldensian manuscripts in Trinity College Dublin’s Old Library. The holding may be read at a macro- and micro-level as a lieu de mémoire: in the first instance, of a major period of international religious and social conflict triggered by ←10 | 11→the Reformation and Trinity College Dublin was itself at the heart of this; in the second instance, as a set of unique artefacts of a minority people struggling against the hegemony of Catholicism. Through its association notably with Ussher and Todd, the holding weaves the College’s own religious (and intellectual) identity and that of the Waldensians inextricably together as a reminder of a shared turbulent past.
The chapters in this volume by a cluster of both eminent and emerging specialists in the field reflect the holding’s sustained international significance in terms of research into religious developments in early modern Europe. Through a focus on the question of Waldensian identity and the process of editing Waldensian manuscripts, the present volume proposes new perspectives with a view to fostering further research.
1See Alan Ford, ‘The Protestant Reformation in Ireland’ in C. Brady and R. Gillespie (eds), Natives and Newcomers: The Making of Irish Colonial Society, 1534–1641 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1986), pp. 50–74; idem, The Protestant Reformation in Ireland, 1590–1641 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1997); idem, ‘James Ussher and the Creation of an Irish Protestant Identity’ in Brendan Bradshaw and Peter Roberts (eds), British Consciousness and Identity: the Making of Britain, 1533–1707 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 185–212. On the history of the College see amongst others Constantia Maxwell, A History of Trinity College Dublin 1591–1892 (Dublin: University Press, 1946); Kenneth C. Bailey, A History of Trinity College Dublin, 1892–1946 (Dublin: The University Press, 1947); R. B. McDowell and D. A. Webb, Trinity College Dublin 1592–1952: An Academic History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982; repr. Dublin: TCD Press, 2004); Peter Boyle, Trinity College Dublin: The Provosts 1592–1927 (Dublin: Hinds, 2015).
2For a comprehensive overview of the history of the Old Library, with valuable insights into the changing political and social contexts in which it evolved, see Peter Fox, Trinity College Library Dublin: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014); see also his edited volume, Treasures of the Library: Trinity College Dublin (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1986). See also Elizabethanne Boran, ‘Libraries and Learning: The Early History of Trinity College, Dublin from 1592 to 1641’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Trinity College Dublin, 1996); W. E. Vaughan (ed.), The Old Library, Trinity College Dublin, 1712–2012 (Dublin: Four Courts, 2012).
3It is important to detach the promotion of such an identity and mission from the narrow suggestion that this was an attempt to impose English identity. The point is made very well by Alan Ford in his analysis of early modern Protestant identity in Ireland: ‘This sense of Protestant identity was distinguished by its “doubleness”, its ability to face both ways: to reject the blandishments of a wider British consciousness then developing in imperial England and identify with Irish culture and history, whilst at the same time carefully distinguishing themselves from other communities in Ireland’ (‘James Ussher and the Creation of an Irish Protestant Identity’, p. 185).
4We should also bear in mind that the College Library is uniquely placed as a legal deposit library for works published in Britain and Ireland.
5Of particular renown also are the Library’s Latin ecclesiastical manuscripts, notably the Book of Kells (MS 58), the Book of Durrow (MS 57), the Book of Armagh (MS 52), the ‘Codex Usserianus Primus’ (MS 55), the Fagel Missal (MS 81) and a life of Saint Alban by Matthew Paris (MS 177).
6The Books of the Vaudois: The Waldensian Manuscripts Preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin (London: Macmillan & Co., 1865). On Henthorn Todd, see in particular the chapter in this volume by Patricia McKee.
7In this I exclude two manuscripts: TCD MS 269 has been identified as Cathar and the identification of TCD MS 9821 as Waldensian remains unconfirmed.
8For a comprehensive description of the collection see the online catalogue for the ‘Manuscripts & Archives Research Library’.
9On the history of how the Waldensian manuscripts came to the Old Library see Marina Benedetti, ‘“Documentary Adventures”: The Waldensian Inquisition Manuscripts in Trinity College Dublin’ in S. Alyn Stacey (ed.), Political, Religious and Social Conflict in the States of Savoy, 1400–1700, Medieval and Early Modern French Studies, 14 (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2014), pp. 169–184.
10Consider, for example, Archbishop McQuaid’s ban on Catholics attending the College expressed in his Lenten Regulations of 7 February 1944. If Catholics did attend, they would be deemed ‘guilty of mortal sin’ and ‘unworthy to receive the Sacraments’. The ban was only lifted on 7 September 1970. Trinity admitted Catholics to study for degrees in 1793.
11For a comprehensive analysis of the persecution and identity of the Waldensians, see, for example, Euan Cameron, The Reformation of the Heretics: The Waldenses of the Alps 1480–1580, Oxford Historical Monographs (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984); Gabriel Audisio, The Waldensian Dissent: Persecution and Survival c.1170–c.1570, trans. by Clare Davison (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), notably the ‘Epilogue: The Waldensian Church’, pp. 189–214.
12See Luc Racaut, ‘The Polemical Use of the Albigensian Crusade during the French Wars of Religion’, French History, 13: 3 (1999), 261–279. Racaut traces this confusion to the writings of Bale in 1545 (p. 269) and concludes (p. 279) that the distinction between the two was finally made by Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet in his Histoire des variations des Églises protestantes (Paris: chez la veuve de Sebastien Mabre-Cramoisy, 1688), livre XI: ‘Histoire abrégée des Albigeois, des Vaudois, des Viclefistes et des Hussites’.
13On this see notably Ford, ‘James Ussher and the Creation of an Irish Protestant Identity’, pp. 186–188; Euan Cameron, Waldenses: Rejections of Holy Church in Medieval Europe (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000); Malcolm Lambert, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from the Georgian Reform to the Reformation (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002; third edition), ch. 8.
14See Racaut, ‘The Polemical Use of the Albigensian Crusade’, p. 274.
15See Jean Crespin, Histoire des Martyrs persecutez et mis a mort pour la verité de I’Evangile, depuis le temps des Apostres jusques a l’an 1574 (Geneva : Simon Goulart, 1582), fol. 25v ; for an excellent discussion of Crespin’s representation of the Waldensians see Jameson Tucker, The Constructions of Reformed Identity in Jean Crespin’s ‘Livre des Martyrs’: All the True Christians, Routledge Research in Early Modern History (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017). See also John Foxe, The Unabridged Acts and Monuments Online or TAMO (1563 edition, Book 1, pp. 57–62) (The Digital Humanities Institute, Sheffield, 2011). Available from: <http//www.dhi.ac.uk/foxe> [accessed: 01 May 2020].
16J. Stouppe, A Collection of the Several Papers Sent to His Highness the Lord Protector (London: 1655); S. Morland, The History of the Evangelical Churches of the Valleys of Piedmont (London: Henry Hills, 1658); see also Enea Balmas and Esther Menascé, ‘L’opinione pubblica inglese e le ‘Pasque Piemontesi’: nuovi documenti’, Bollettino della Società di Studi Valdesi, 150 (Dec. 1981), 3–26. On this massacre, see Antonella Amatuzzi, ‘Les Libelles vaudois sur les Pâques piémontaises : des armes efficaces dans le conflit avec la cour de Savoie (1655)’ in Alyn Stacey (ed.), Political, Religious and Social Conflict in the States of Savoy 1400–1700, pp. 237–256. The massacre of the inhabitants of Mérindol in 1545 and the persecution of the Waldensians in Calabria, to which the Inquisition sent a mission in 1560, are particularly significant examples of this persecution.
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- 2021 (July)
- Waldensian identity and history Waldensian manuscripts the Old LibraryTrinity College Dublin New Perspectives on Heretical Discourse and Identities Sarah Alyn Stacey Joanna Poetz
- Oxford, Bern, Berlin, Bruxelles, New York, Wien, 2021. X, 360 pp., 7 tables.