Time for a European federation
How Europe could remain relevant in the century of globalization, climate change and the fourth industrial revolution
Summary
This book proposes the creation of a federal European state that would replace and succeed the EU, its member states and other willing European countries. This is the only way for Europe to successfully address all those challenges and stay at centre stage in world affairs, in the century of globalization, climate change and the fourth industrial revolution. But addressing Europe’s existential challenges is not the only reason to move in that direction. A federal Europe would also become a major, self-sufficient geopolitical power, as strong as orstronger than the USA, Russia or China. It would be a model for other regional federations around the planet.
The book is not restricted to the analysis of why we need a federal European state but further suggests substantial policies for many different sectors: economy, banking, foreign affairs, defence, education, health, social security, immigration, human rights, agriculture, fourth industrial revolution, circular economy and climate – to name some of them. At the end, it presents a rough budget estimation to show that such a federation would not only be desirable but also be feasible.
Excerpt
Table Of Contents
- Cover
- Title
- Copyright
- About the author
- About the book
- This eBook can be cited
- Table of Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Preface
- Prologue
- Part I Conceptual framework for a European Federation
- Chapter 1 The historic need for a European Federation
- 1.1. Europe at the beginning of the 21st century: A brief state of play
- 1.2. Five existential challenges for Europe
- 1.2.1. Europe’s economic, financial and productive decline compared to the rest of the world
- 1.2.2. The demographic deficit: An ageing and stagnant population
- 1.2.3. The menace of climate change: Food dependence and water scarcity
- 1.2.4. Energy dependence on other countries
- 1.2.5. Exclusion from the leading edge of fourth industrial revolution
- 1.3. Scenarios for the way ahead – Why a European Federation?
- Chapter 2 The ideological framework of the European Federation
- 2.1. Federalism
- 2.2. Liberalism
- 2.3. Ecological development
- 2.4. European humanistic values
- 2.5. Practical tools for our common political lives
- 2.6. The European federalist movement
- Part II The four pillars of the European Federation
- Chapter 3 Political governance, democratic institutions and human rights
- 3.1 Political governance
- 3.1.1. The basic framework
- 3.1.2. Federalism and the principle of subsidiarity
- 3.1.3. The constitution
- 3.1.4. The parliament
- 3.1.5. The government
- 3.1.6. The Council of Governance
- 3.1.7. The judiciary
- 3.1.8. The Central Bank
- 3.1.9. Other institutions and advisory bodies
- 3.1.10. Accession to, and exit from, the EF
- 3.1.11. Road map towards the establishment of the EF
- 3.2 Democratic governance
- 3.2.1. Referenda at all levels
- 3.2.2. Democratisation of public decision-making
- 3.2.3. Public administration: Efficient, responsible, transparent and accountable
- 3.2.4. A strong framework against corruption.
- 3.2.5. Civic education – a tool of emancipation
- 3.2.6. Different human rights standards in the EU – a problem to be fixed
- 3.2.7. A common non-discriminatory legal framework for all EF citizens
- 3.2.8. High judicial and prosecutorial standards
- 3.3. Concluding summary
- Chapter 4 Economic governance through an economic, fiscal, monetary and banking union
- 4.1. The need for an economic, fiscal, monetary and banking union
- 4.2. Economic policy: The ten commandments
- 4.2.1. Entrepreneurship first
- 4.2.2. Simple and low taxation
- 4.2.3. Attraction of foreign direct investments
- 4.2.4. Export-driven economy
- 4.2.5. Focus on ecological development and circular economy
- 4.2.6. Knowledge-based economy
- 4.2.7. Business clustering and hubs of excellence
- 4.2.8. Public spending: No higher than 50 % of annual GDP, with a focus on strategic investments
- 4.2.9. Public – private partnerships and investment banks
- 4.2.10. Internal market
- 4.3. Fiscal policy
- 4.3.1. Sustainability of public debt and elimination of budget deficit
- 4.3.2. Simple and low taxation
- 4.3.3. Public revenues stemming from common EF assets
- 4.3.4. Rationalisation of public expenditures
- 4.4. Monetary policy
- 4.4.1. The euro as single currency for the entire EF
- 4.4.2. Two strategic objectives of EF monetary policy: A strong euro and a low level of inflation
- 4.4.3. Ensuring a flexible approach in case of crisis
- 4.5. Banking policy
- 4.5.1. The Liikainen report
- 4.5.2. Five strategic objectives for the banking sector
- 4.6. Concluding summary and budgetary aspects
- Chapter 5 Security governance: Common foreign, defence and security policy
- 5.1. Common foreign, defence and security governance as pillar of a sovereign state
- 5.2. EF’s global strategic objectives
- 5.2.1. Becoming a major geopolitical power
- 5.2.2. Promoting a global model of governance based on federalism and humanistic values
- 5.3 Strategic priorities of EF military defence
- 5.3.1. Joint defence force: A financially realistic objective
- 5.3.2. The five strategic objectives of EF military defence
- 5.4. Membership of NATO
- 5.5. Economic diplomacy
- 5.5.1. Maintain an open trade and investment system
- 5.5.2. Use of economic leverage to enhance the EF’s geostrategic interests
- 5.5.3. Economic diplomacy with Europe’s neighbourhood
- 5.6. Cultural diplomacy
- 5.6.1. Principles and tools of cultural diplomacy
- 5.6.2. Cultural diplomacy practised abroad
- 5.6.3. Cultural diplomacy practised in the EF territory
- 5.6.4. Cultural policy vis-à-vis Europe’s neighbouring regions
- 5.7 Strategic Alliance with Europe’s three big neighbours
- 5.7.1. Russia
- 5.7.2. Ukraine
- 5.7.3. Turkey
- 5.7.4. Assessment: A more universal approach
- 5.8 Concluding summary and budgetary aspects
- Chapter 6 Socio-cultural governance
- 6.1. The need for a joint identity and sense of European society
- 6.2. Social protection
- 6.2.1. Universal basic support
- 6.2.2. Universal basic pension
- 6.2.3. Universal health care and sickness allowance
- 6.2.4. Special allowances for people with disabilities
- 6.2.5. Pros and cons: Universal social protection
- 6.3. Education
- 6.3.1. A common European curriculum for primary and secondary education
- 6.3.2. Reduction of education poverty and inequality
- 6.3.3. Link education to the labour markets of the 21st century
- 6.3.4. World-class universities and research centres
- 6.4. Health
- 6.4.1. Invest in preventive programs to avoid later high health costs and suffering
- 6.4.2. A robust health industry and Europe as a global health hub
- 6.4.3. Achieving a cost-efficient health policy
- 6.5. Social cohesion
- 6.5.1. The managerial approach: Data collection through the Social Monitor
- 6.5.2. The financial approach: Material support and housing projects
- 6.5.2.1. Housing projects for the have-nots
- 6.5.3. The institutional approach: Inclusive participation of the citizens
- 6.5.4. Treatment of prisoners: Care for the down and out
- 6.5.5. Case study: LBJ’s Great Society programme
- 6.6. Concluding summary and budgetary aspects
- Part III Major policy sectors of the new European Federation
- Chapter 7 Immigration and demographic policy
- 7.1. Immigration policy
- 7.1.1. Introduction: The context
- 7.1.2. Reception of two million new immigrants per year
- 7.1.3. A consistent policy on non-invited immigrants: Refugees, economic immigrants and traffickers
- 7.2. Demographic policy
- 7.2.1. Introduction
- 7.2.2. A set of decisive measures
- 7.3. Concluding summary and budgetary issues
- Chapter 8 Agriculture and food policy
- 8.1. Introduction: The big challenges for European agriculture and food security
- 8.2. The EU Farm to Fork strategy
- 8.3. The EF strategic agriculture and food policy objectives
- 8.3.1. Embark on a new “green revolution” to increase agricultural production and food security
- 8.3.2. Rationalise water use
- 8.3.3. Reduce consumption of meat and dairy products
- 8.3.4. Reduce food waste and rationalise our food consumption
- 8.3.5. Increase the proportion of organic farming
- 8.3.6. Ensure access to foreign agricultural land and food production
- 8.4. Concluding summary and budgetary aspects
- Chapter 9 Enterprises, industry and employment during the fourth industrial revolution
- 9.1. The fourth industrial revolution and a new world of disruptions and opportunities
- 9.2. Strategic objectives
- 9.2.1. Support of new-tech business
- 9.2.2. New-tech ethics and social cohesion
- 9.2.3. Small and medium enterprises: Support for their special nature and needs
- 9.2.4. Industrial manufacturing: A new strategic direction
- 9.2.5. Improving the quality of research and investing in new labour skills
- 9.2.6. Employment policy: Protection of labour rights and mutual boost of business and employment
- 9.3. Concluding summary and budgetary issues
- Chapter 10 Climate policy, infrastructure networks and circular economy
- 10.1. Introduction: Basis for optimism and pessimism
- 10.2. The European Green Deal
- 10.3. Integrated networks of clean energy (wind, solar power, hydrogen and nuclear energy)
- 10.3.1. Wind power
- 10.3.2. Solar power
- 10.3.3. Hydrogen: A special opportunity for our future
- 10.3.4. Nuclear energy
- 10.4 Integrated networks of clean transport and water supply
- 10.4.1. Transport networks
- 10.4.2. Water supply networks
- 10.5. Switching to a circular economy: Reducing material and energy losses
- 10.6. The EU post COVID-19 stimulus package for green and digital transition
- 10.7. Concluding summary and budgetary issues
- Epilogue
- Appendix
- Notes
- Series titles
Acknowledgements and disclaimer
The creation of this book was realised thanks to the contribution of several persons.
Brooks Tigner carried out the linguistic revision. He worked on literally every single word of this text, improving and enriching its English, identifying gaps and inconsistencies, and spotting the parts that needed further elaboration. I am very grateful for his support.
Christos Bezirtzoglou stood behind the initial concept. We spent long hours discussing together the project’s basic notions, structure, and strategic objectives. He contributed sources and contacts who helped its development and to reach its maturity. I am also grateful to him.
Anita Seprenyi, Franzesco Guerzoni, Julia Stark, and Kiril Mitrov reviewed several parts of the script. Their valuable comments made it more accurate and thorough, and widened its perspectives.
The publishing house, Peter Lang, contributed its friendly, constructive, and professional co-operation. They embraced this bold political proposal with a very supportive attitude – not easy in a time lacking “euroenthusiasm” – while working diligently to improve its analysis in all respects. I am very grateful for this opportunity.
Most important, a word of special gratitude to my wife Katarzyna and daughter Dimitra for their patience during the long days of work that finally brought this text to fruition. Thanks to their understanding, my concentration on the task proved much easier.
Finally, I should note that I am employed by the European Commission and I am also member of several associations with political and social activity. I must thus clarify that all views expressed in this book are strictly personal and do not represent the positions of those organisations.
Part II
THE FOUR PILLARS OF THE EUROPEAN FEDERATION
In Part Two of our analysis the major characteristics of the proposed European Federation are elaborated. Four pillars are identified which the EU currently lacks and needs, if it is to advance to the level of a fully sovereign, federal and functional European Republic. These are:
(1) common political and democratic governance, with joint institutions, rule of law framework and human rights protection (Chapter 3),
(2) common economic governance via a full economic, fiscal, monetary and banking union (Chapter 4),
(3) common foreign, defence and security governance (Chapter 5), and
(4) common socio-cultural governance and the development of a common European identity (Chapter 6)
The pillars are equally essential for a truly sovereign state. If one or more is missing or functions badly, the state will fail or seriously weaken.
Chapter 5
Security governance: Common foreign, defence and security policy
5.1. Common foreign, defence and security governance as pillar of a sovereign state
A sovereign state is by definition the single responsible entity for its foreign affairs, defence and security, including the security of its external borders. A state cannot effectively exercise its powers across its territory and would not be taken seriously internationally if it was not in charge of its own foreign relations, defence and border policy. Therefore, the EF should have its own Foreign Ministry with a full diplomatic service, a Ministry of Defence with its own exclusive military capabilities and its own police, intelligence service and border protection force.
To forge a sovereign federal state with an effective, coherent and consistent external policy and representation, the current EU member states would have to transfer to the EF their seats in the UN’s General Assembly and Security Council, their membership in all other international organisations, their military forces (including their nuclear arsenals), diplomatic services, intelligence agencies, embassies and consulates, as well as their border control mechanisms. These transfers could take place gradually in stages, given their sensitivity.
This is surely the most difficult step towards the transition from the EU’s current loose structure to the EF, since European armies and foreign services are the symbols of national pride, with a rich and long history. We know it would be difficult for France and the UK to give up their armies, nuclear arsenals and permanent seats on the Security Council. It would be difficult for Spain and Portugal to give up their national embassies in Latin America and hand them over to new EF embassies. It would be hard for Greece, Poland or Finland to give up control of their borders, given the history and importance of those borders today.
←123 | 124→However, despite the near-insuperable sensitivities involved, there are strong reasons that argue in favour of that shift:
– The first concerns efficiency. The significant costs of 28 or more separate armies and other security authorities would be spared if all were merged into a single coherent structure. Command and co-ordination of the resulting integrated structure at European level would be much simpler. Substantial savings would be generated by merging national embassies, consulates, intelligence agencies and border services. At the same time this would expand the diplomatic representation of millions of citizens of those EU member states that have no national embassy or consulate in many countries around the world. As a result, the travel, business and study opportunities across the planet for EU citizens as a whole would increase greatly.
– The second reason concerns effectiveness. A common European army would immediately qualify as one of the world’s top five armed forces122 in terms of fire power and personnel. It would include a formidable navy, one of the biggest armies and air forces, and one of the most effective anti-missile and cyber-warfare systems on the planet. Its power projection would be on a global scale, and its deterrent effect immense. None would dare threaten or seize even the tiniest part of the EF’s territory, from Cyprus to the Baltic and Arctic regions, without risk of serious cost or casualties.
– A third reason points to the resulting geopolitical, institutional and diplomatic weight of Europe. A joint strong military force would enhance the EF’s geopolitical position as a peer equal to the USA, China or Russia. The allure of an EF ambassador representing the world’s second biggest economy and military force, and third-largest population, would vastly exceed the prestige and weight of any of the national ambassadors of today’s EU member states. Indeed, a joint European army and foreign service would, by dint of their unified policies, be far larger than the sum of their parts, inspiring higher levels of trust and respect from the rest of world. Europe would finally obtain a single face and voice. As a response to Henry Kissinger’s famous question, there would finally be a single European president, foreign minister and defence minister to answer the phone in times of need.
– Finally, one could not ignore the advantages of a single European external border linked to a joint European airspace and territorial ←124 | 125→domain. This unified space would serve as the basis for more coherent policies on immigration, border control, fisheries, exploitation of energy resources and other vital issues.
These joint structures would not necessarily demand full homogeneity, though. EF ambassadors could be selected, for instance, on the basis of their cultural background: francophone ambassadors for the francophone countries of Africa, Spanish-speaking ones for posts in Latin America, and ambassadors from the former Warsaw Pact region for assignment to post-Soviet countries.
In this chapter we explain our proposals for the geopolitical orientation of the EF, its two global strategic objectives, the financial and political viability of a joint defence force and its five strategic priorities, the EF’s relations with NATO, the principles and objectives of an EF economic and cultural diplomacy and the creation of a European regional alliance with our larger neighbours (Russia, Ukraine and Turkey).
Details
- Pages
- 304
- Publication Year
- 2022
- ISBN (PDF)
- 9782875744296
- ISBN (ePUB)
- 9782875744302
- ISBN (MOBI)
- 9782875744319
- ISBN (Softcover)
- 9782875744289
- DOI
- 10.3726/b18952
- Language
- English
- Publication date
- 2021 (December)
- Published
- Bruxelles, Berlin, Bern, New York, Oxford, Warszawa, Wien, 2022. 304 pp.
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- Peter Lang Group AG
