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Louis Wolowski (1810-1876)

A Biography

by Rafał Dobek (Author)
©2024 Monographs 360 Pages

Summary

The book presents the life of Louis Wolowski (1810–1876). Born into a family of Frankist Jews in Warsaw, Wolowski participated in the Polish insurrection of 1830–1831 and later settled in France. Specializing in political economy, Wolowski became a professor at the prestigious Conservatoire des Arts et Métiers at the age of 29 and a member of the Academy in 1855. In 1852 he founded Crédit Foncier, one of the most important French banks and actively participated in the banking revolution of the second half of the 19th century. He also had a political career. Wolowski served as a deputy and from 1875, a life senator. Representing the liberal center of the French political scene, he played a crucial role in the establishment of the Republic in France.

Table Of Contents

  • Cover
  • Title
  • Copyright
  • About the author
  • About the book
  • This eBook can be cited
  • Contents
  • Introduction
  • Chapter I: An Extraordinary Family
  • 1. The Schors, disciples of Jacob Frank
  • 2. The Wołowski family
  • 3. Tekla
  • 4. Franciszek
  • Chapter II: Youth in Poland
  • 1. Childhood
  • 2. Paris, the first time
  • 3. The Royal University of Warsaw
  • 4. The November Uprising
  • Chapter III: Immigrant, Lawyer, Professor
  • 1. Immigrant choices
  • 2. “Revue Wolowski”
  • 3. Conservatoire (Royal) des Arts et Métiers
  • Chapter IV: The Revolution of 1848 in Paris
  • 1. The political ideas of Louis Wolowski
  • 2. Representative of the people
  • 3. Deputy of 1849
  • Chapter V: The Crédit Foncier
  • 1. The Second Empire
  • 2. Wolowski’s credit proposals
  • 3. Bank director
  • 4. On the board of the Crédit Foncier and the Crédit Agricole
  • Chapter VI: The Apogee
  • 1. The demise of Mickiewicz
  • 2. The Academy
  • 3. Changes within the family
  • Chapter VII: The Twilight of Life
  • 1. Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune of 1871.
  • 2. Back to Politics
  • Chapter VIII: The Economic Thought
  • 1. The Method
  • 2. Capital, Labour, Free market
  • 3. Free trade
  • 4. Banque de France’s monopoly on issuance
  • 5. Money, gold and silver
  • Chapter IX: The Polish Cause
  • 1. Polish Literary Society
  • 2. The Polish School of Batignolles
  • 3. The January Uprising
  • 4. Applicants, acquaintances, friends, family
  • Conclusion
  • Selected Bibliography:
  • Index
  • Series Index

Introduction

After the defeat of 1831, some 6,000–7,000 Poles settled in France1, among them twenty-one-year-old Louis Wolowski (in Polish: Ludwik Wołowski). However, he was not like the other emigrants: what made him different from most Poles on the Seine were, among others, his Jewish and Frankist roots. Indeed, the Wołowski family was one of the largest families of this 18th-century religious group. Louis was directly descended from Elisha Schor, a key supporter of Jacob Frank. While by the time Wolowski was born, the family had clearly severed ties with Frankist practices and traditions, some of them had had some influence on his life and thinking.

Wolowski’s fate in exile was equally unusual. For all the years up to his death in 1876, he was associated with the Hotel Lambert and Polish institutions linked in one way or another to Adam Jerzy and Władysław Czartoryski, above all with the Polish school at Batignolles. He also played an important role at Czartoryski’s side during the January Uprising. However, Wolowski differed in many respects from his friends from Île Saint-Louis. If we agree with Jerzy Zdrada, that “the emigrants dreamt of a victorious return to an independent Poland”2, it can be assumed with a high degree of probability that Louis Wolowski did not believe it and did not think that he would ever return to Warsaw. It also seems doubtful whether he dreamt of it. For, unlike most emigrants, soon he applied for naturalisation in France, and was quickly granted it. What is more, Wolowski combined sincere attachment to Poland with undying French patriotism during his 45 years in exile.

Wolowski’s great career in France was anything but typical. He completed his studies, started his own journal, began to publish economic works, and finally, at the age of 29, was given the prestigious chair of political economy at the Conservatoire des Arts et Métiers. By the 1840s, his position there was so strong that he was elected (by universal suffrage) to the revolutionary National Assembly in 1848, a success he repeated a year later.

Although his political career was interrupted by the coup d’état of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte in December 1851, Louis Wolowski was able to profit from this event too: in 1852, he obtained permission from the then Prince President to establish a bank. In time, this institution took the name Crédit Foncier and became one of the most important banks in France of the 19th and 20th centuries. Wolowski only headed it for the first two years but was associated with its management for the next nineteen years.

At the same time, his importance as an economist grew: he published dozens of books and brochures. In 1855, he became a member of the elite French Academy of Moral and Political Sciences and, through it, of the Institute of France. He took a prominent part in all the high-profile French economic debates of the era. His voice also influenced the subsequently adopted legal solutions.

He managed to return to politics after the fall of the Second Empire in 1871. He became first a deputy, then, a few months before his death, a senator for life. He belonged to a group of liberal deputies, former monarchists, who eventually built the Third Republic.

Wolowski was associated with the émigré Polish Literary Society, the Polish School in Paris, the Polish Bureau of the Hotel Lambert in 1861–1864, the Institute of Polish Ladies, the famous Parisian Conservatoire des Arts et Métiers, the Crédit Foncier, the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, the Paris Society of Political Economy, the Free Trade Association, and finally with the French National Assembly during the Revolution of 1848 and after 1871. This needs to be topped with his intellectual activity, published books and articles. He left his own mark on all of these institutions through his activity.

At the same time, in the case of Wolowski, researchers are struck by another fact: he was never, in any of his fields of activity, an unambiguously leading figure. At the Hotel Lambert, at the Crédit Foncier, in parliament – he always remained in the shadow of others. And yet, as Iwona Pugacewicz put it, “all the doors of the most important institutions in Paris were open to his name”3.

My intention, therefore, was to explain the phenomenon of this extraordinary man. A phenomenon which, in my opinion, is important for understanding 19th century French and Polish politics in general. To understand the mechanisms governing public life in the 19th century, it is necessary to look beyond the leading figures, beyond the best-known names. It is also necessary to recognise those who operated right behind the scenes of big politics. Wolowski was one of them. On the one hand, he was in many ways a typical representative of the French political and intellectual elite operating between the July Monarchy and the Third Republic. Tracing his political stance, its twists and turns and its evolution provides a better understanding of the events of the period. On the other hand, Wolowski, like few others, was able to bring together different people for different purposes and different ventures. Working behind the backs of the most important figures in French and Polish (émigré) political life, he created bridges between disparate communities. He acted like glue, sometimes weakly visible at first sight, but indispensable for the functioning of the state. Recognising this role of Wolowski allows for a better understanding of politics in general, not only 19th-century politics. In this sense, Wolowski’s biography also differs from the major political figures of the period: Napoleon III, Czartoryski, Thiers, Guizot, Mac Mahon – to name but a few. Nor is it a biography of an average Polish émigré or an average French parliamentarian, economist, or politician. It sits, in my opinion, somewhere in between. This also makes it relevant and interesting.

What were Wolowski’s sources of strength? What social or political strategies did he adopt? What constraints did he face? How did he resemble other French or Polish politicians of the period, what made him different? Finally, how far did his action in Paris reach, both in Polish and French affairs? These are the key questions that this work asks.

Questions, I should add, which historiography has so far failed to answer or has answered poorly. Louis Wolowski’s name has been, of course, mentioned in Polish studies devoted to the Great Emigration, or French works on the political, parliamentary, or economic history of the 19th century. Two biographies of Wolowski and a monograph on his economic thought have been published in France. However, all these works date from the 19th century. A year after Louis Wolowski’s death, Emile Levasseur published a 36-page brochure, La vie et les travaux de Wolowski (Paris, 1877). For years, Levasseur was the Pole’s close friend and colleague, and the husband of his relative. The text therefore contains interesting personal recollections and some relevant information. Its shortcoming, apart from its brevity, is a lack of temporal and personal distance: Levasseur’s work is understandably an apologia for Wolowski. Similar objections can be raised against another biography of the Polish French banker, written in 1880 by Antony Roulliet, a lawyer and economist, entitled Wolowski. Sa vie et ses travaux. Much more extensive than Levasseur’s, Roulliet’s biography is unfortunately equally apologetic. In both cases, the authors lacked access to Polish sources, which resulted in serious omissions and errors concerning the Polish part of Wolowski’s biography or his family. Jules Rambaud’s work L’Oeuvre économique de L. Wolowski (Paris, 1882) is simply a comprehensive compilation and summary of the subsequent economic studies of the Pole.

The most complete biography of Louis Wolowski to date has never been published. I mean the text of Patrice Markiewicz’s 1994 doctoral thesis, Louis Wolowski. Un intellectuel et un représentant du libéralisme en France au milieu du XIXe siècle (Paris X – Nanterre, 1994). Markiewicz presented the French part of Wolowski’s life best, while treating the Polish part too briefly. Leaving aside the otherwise understandable errors related to the complicated family colligations of the Wołowskis, in my opinion Markiewicz also made another important mistake – at times, his narrative resembled Wolowski’s self-narration too much.

The Polish list of studies on Wolowski is incomparably shorter and contains only three short academic texts, one popular science text and two dictionary entries. The ambition of the present work is therefore to fill this gap.

My intention has been to describe Wolowski as a figure characteristic of France of his time, a representative of part of the elite educated during the July Monarchy, then struggling to find his feet in the Second Republic, collaborating with Napoleon III, and at the end of his life co-founding the Third Republic. At the same time, I wanted to show Wolowski as a man who often operated behind the scenes, very effectively linking different circles and different people, and thus influencing politics. He acted as a necessary link between Polish émigré politicians and the French political and economic elite; as the glue that united people from different ideological circles in one bank. Finally, as a liberal economist, a typical representative of the second generation of the French classical school. Understanding people like Wolowski, their official and behind-the-scenes role in 19th century France and among Polish émigrés will, in my view, allow for a better understanding of the mechanisms of French and Polish politics, economy, and finance in general, from the decline of Louis-Philippe’s state, through the Revolution of 1848, the Second Empire, to the first years of the Third Republic.

For this purpose, I managed to access all or almost all the publications of the Polish French economist. Unfortunately, however, I found only a limited stock of his correspondence. The rest of it no longer exists, is in private hands unknown to me, or remains scattered in minor archives. I have only reached some of the Crédit Foncier materials, stored in the French Archives Nationales du Monde du Travail; access to them is still restricted and requires the owner’s separate permission. The material that I have managed to obtain from the ANMT is included in this work. However, I have gathered the entire corpus of archival material from the French National Archives (Archives Nationales), the Archives of the French National Assembly (Archives de l’Assemblée Nationale), the Archives of Paris (Archives de Paris), the National Library of France (Bibliothèque Nationale de France), the Polish Library in Paris, the Adam Mickiewicz Museum in Paris, the Polish Central Archives of Historical Records, the National Library, the Archives of the City of Warsaw, the State Archives in Cracow, the Princes Czartoryski Library in Cracow, the Archives of the Polish Academy of Sciences and the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences in Cracow, and the Ossolińskis National Institute in Wrocław.

The division of the book results in part from the turns of Louis Wolowski’s life. Chapter I describes his family, its Frankist roots, the fate of Louis’ mother and father, and their influence on their son. Chapter II (Youth in Poland) deals with his studies in Warsaw, his participation in the conspiracy movement and the November Uprising. In Chapter III, the readers learn about Wolowski’s first years in exile, a time when he made the decision to naturalise and began to build the foundations of his career as an economist. Chapter IV is devoted to the Revolution of 1848 and its impact on Wolowski’s political thinking, against the broad background of French politics. Chapter V tells the story of his involvement in the creation and operation of the Crédit Foncier, coupled with a broader picture of the entire change taking place in French banking in the 1850s and 1860s. Chapter VI depicts the 1850s and 1860s when Wolowski reached the apogee of his career, became a member of the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, published the most, participated in key economic discussions in France, and experienced a series of turbulence and family changes. Chapter VII describes Wolowski’s return to politics after the collapse of the Second Empire and his participation in the building of the Third Republic, against an extensive French background. The penultimate chapter is devoted entirely to Wolowski’s economic thought, his research method, his economic liberalism, his advocacy of free trade, his vision of money, the banking system, etc. The final chapter of the work deals with the extremely important and diverse Polish émigré activities of Louis Wolowski. This classical division allows, in my view, for a thorough tracing of Wolowski’s political career along with the evolution of his attitude over the years. It facilitates a comprehensive presentation of his Polish activities, as well as his banking career. Finally, it allows us to illustrate the development and transformation of his economic thought, its successive developments.

Behind every book is an author. Behind the author, however, are those who have assisted him, pointed out new leads, helped to eliminate shortcomings, to obtain materials for the work. Co-workers, friends, acquaintances without whom no book would be possible. I would like to express my sincere thanks to them. A word of great gratitude goes to Professor Jerzy Fiećko, who led me to new clues concerning Wolowski’s relationship with Zygmunt Krasiński. I am also extremely grateful to Julia Słupska for her excellent biography of Ksawery Branicki, for her consultation on the relationship between Branicki and Wolowski and for the materials she sent me. I would also like to express my gratitude to Professors Eric Anceau and Dominique Barjot: I could always count on their assistance in French matters. For all the comments, words of encouragement and support, I sincerely thank the members of my home department at the Faculty of History of Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań: Prof. Waldemar Łazuga, Prof. Damian Szymczak, Prof. Sebastian Paczos, Mariusz Menz, Ph.D. and Anna Chudzińska, Ph.D. I would also like to thank Piotr Kuligowski, Ph.D. and Stanisław Knapowski, for their comments and invaluable help.

Finally, this book would not have been possible without the endless patience and understanding of my beloved wife, Kamila. Thank you.


1 C. Mondonico-Torri Les réfugiés en France sous la monarchie de juillet: l’impossible statut, “Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine” no. 47 (4), 2000, p. 731.

2 J. Zdrada Wielka Emigracja po Powstaniu Listopadowym, Warszawa 1987, p. 75.

3 I.H. Pugacewicz Batignolles 1842–1874. Edukacja Wielkiej Emigracji, Warszawa 2017, p. 126.

Chapter I: An Extraordinary Family

1. The Schors, disciples of Jacob Frank

In one of the last paragraphs of Olga Tokarczuk’s The Books of Jacob, suspended between the world of the living and the world of the dead, Yenta, the readers’ guide to the fate of the Frankists, looks at the Wołowski family:

Nearly all its branches became ennobled, some under the Bawół coat of arms, others under Na Kaskach. A fabulous career was made by Franciszek, son of Isaac Wołowski, the boy whom Father Chmielowski had once called Jeremiah. Franciszek, born in 1786 in Brünn and raised in Offenbach, became one of the best lawyers and scholars of law of his era. Interestingly, when a proposal came before the Sejm to grant Polish citizenship to Jews, Franciszek, as a member of parliament, vehemently argued that it was not yet time to take such a step. First the Polish nation had to win its independence; only then they would be able to turn to such social reforms. When the November Uprising was put down, the grandson of another of the Wołowski sons, Ludwik, emigrated to France, where he, too, earned renown as a brilliant legal scholar, for which he was awarded the Légion d’Honneur.4

Ludwik Wołowski (Louis Wolowski) as seen by Yenta is the protagonist of this book. Indeed, an émigré and a lawyer; his brilliance is another thing. Indeed, he was also awarded the Legion of Honour in 18455 but for economic and political activities rather than legal. Yenta is also wrong in her description of the family connections: Franciszek Eliasz Wołowski, a lawyer and member of the Sejm (lower house of the Polish parliament) during the November Uprising, was Louis’ father. However, most probably he was not born in Brünn but in Warsaw. Still, Yenta – Tokarczuk should not be blamed for these mistakes. Not only because it seems inappropriate to expect accuracy and historical precision in every detail from literature; also because of the exceptional complication of the fate and biographical data of the Wołowskis, extremely difficult for professional historians to interpret.

The Wołowskis, baptised Frankists, maintained the customs characteristic of this group for several generations: they married among themselves and gave their children similar names. Louis Wolowski was therefore the son of Franciszek Wołowski and Tekla… née Wołowska. The name Ludwik (Louis) was a regular occurrence in the family, as was Franciszek, Michał, Jan and Józef6. In the light of the fact that many of them practised the same profession (lawyers) and the shortcomings following the destruction of the Polish archives during WWII, the confusions, and errors in the descriptions of the history of the Wołowskis are easier to understand.

The Wołowski family originated from Podolia, from Rabbi Schor Efraim Salomon ben Naftali, author of the acclaimed book Tevuat Schor, who died in 1633. The surname Schor probably derives from a Hebrew reflexive epithet meaning ox, and has biblical roots7. The most significant moment in the family’s history came in the mid-18th century. A little earlier (it is not known exactly when), the Schors became involved with the Sabbatean movement8. Podolia became a mainstay of the Sabbateans during this period, and – according to Paweł Maciejko – the Schors were “probably the most important family” among the Sabbateans9. At the time, the family was headed by Elisha Schor (b. 1688) whose daughter Haia was perceived as a Sabbatean prophetess. The Schors also had family ties with the Sabbateans from across the region.

Although the “messiah” Sabbatai Zewi had died decades earlier, his followers secretly awaited the arrival of his next incarnation. This became Jacob Frank. He was born in 1726 in Podolia10. His father, Leib, was most likely a Sabbatean and probably had contacts with his fellow southern believers11. Perhaps it was the accusation of the Sabbatean affinity that contributed to Leib’s departure from Poland with his family. They arrived in Bucharest where the young Jacob ended up as a shop assistance in training. He had most likely learned to read and write as a child, but his knowledge of the Talmud remained limited: he described himself much later as a “simpleton”, an unlearned man. Jacob engaged in trade, and it was trade that took him all the way to Smyrna. While in Turkey, he became a “Frank”: a European, a foreigner according to the local nomenclature12. In Smyrna, in 1750 he began his Kabbalistic studies and became more familiar with the Sabbatean doctrine. In 1752, he married Chana, the daughter of Yehuda Towa ha-Levi, a Sabbatean theologian. A short time later, he and his wife arrived in Thessaloniki. It was there that he probably recognised himself as the messiah13.

In Smyrna and Thessaloniki, Frank may have encountered co-religionists arriving for trade or religion from Polish Podolia, some of whom may already have recognised his messianic message. It seems quite likely that Elisha Schor was among them. Meanwhile, the news from Podolia was not good, and the situation of the Polish Sabbateans, and therefore probably also of the Schors, began to complicate. The conflict between them and the Orthodox Jews was clearly escalating. In 1752, during a dispute 14 in Brody, Rabbi Natan ben Levi accused Rabbi Jonathan Aibeshits of the Sabbatean heresy15. The discussion around the Sabbateans and Aibeshits which initially ended with his exoneration, resurfaced in 1753 during a session of the Council of the Four Lands (centrall Jewish authority in Poland) in Yaroslav, where Aibeshits was again acquitted (although he was ordered to destroy the amulets he distributed among his pupils).16

Perhaps this is why Frank decided to return to Poland – summoned, as Doktór writes – by Schor and others17. Upon his arrival, the latter’s sons Salomon and Natan also clearly recognised him as the leader of the Sabbatean community. Unfortunately, little is known of Frank’s teaching. What we do know, however, is that an event took place of key importance to the history of all Frankists. On 27 January 1756, outraged Jews burst into the house in Lanckoroń on the Zbruch where Frank and his pupils were staying. They confiscated the writings found on the spot, and the Frankists were battered and arrested. Jewish witnesses later claimed that the Frankists sang and danced around the naked Haia Schor, kissing her breasts. Frank, on the other hand, argued that the ritual was limited to dancing and singing18.

Frank was released rather quickly, as Turkish officials claimed him as a subject of the Sultan. Soon, he left the Republic and set off for Thessaloniki. However, a rabbinical court was convened in Brody, which accused him, his followers and the Sabbateans in general of offences against the Sabbath and dietary rules, heresy (including belief in the Trinity), sexual offences – extramarital relations, incestuous relations, “sexual hospitality” (giving one’s wife or daughter to a guest staying at home)19.

The rabbis sentenced the Frankists to fines or penance while they placed a curse on those who refused to renounce their beliefs. They also dissolved some Sabbatean marriages and declared their children illegitimate – effectively condemning them to a life of extreme poverty. Interestingly, these were exceptionally harsh punishments: a cherem (curse) meant being expelled from the community of believers. Jews were to break off all contact with the person under the curse which must have resulted in a total or partial loss of sources of livelihood. The cursed person also lost all other forms of support from the community. That person had no right to be buried in a Jewish cemetery20. In 18th-century Poland, this equalled expulsion from any community and no protection from it. Maciejko describes the case of Joseph of Rohatyn, almost certainly associated with the Schors, who had to publicly confess his sins and describe his deeds before the faithful gathered in the synagogue. Then a beating was administered to him, he was to fall on his face in front of the synagogue and the Jews coming out were allowed to tread on him. He also had to divorce his wife and declare his children bastards. He was excluded from the community of believers to “wander alone for the rest of his days”21.

However, Maciejko makes an important remark in this context. Namely, the Frankists were somewhat saved by the fact that Mikołaj Dembowski, the Bishop of Kamieniec, joined the proceedings against them, most probably on the initiative of the rabbis who intended to accuse Frank of heresy22. Dembowski took the cherem off the Frankists and agreed to a debate between them and representatives of the rabbinate in Kamieniec. It began in June 1757 and quickly took a fatal turn for the rabbis: it turned out that it was not the Jews who were accusing the Frankists, but the Frank disciples accused the Jews.

1. We believe whatever God in the Old Testament told us to believe and taught; 2. The Scriptures cannot be effectively comprehended by human reason without the Grace of God; 3. The Talmud, filled with unheard-of blasphemy against God, should and is to be rejected; There is one God and Creator of all things; 5. The same God is inseparable in nature in three persons; 6. It is possible for God to take upon Himself human flesh and to be subject to all passions except sin. 7. Jerusalem, the city according to prophecy, will not be built; 8. the Messiah promised in the Scriptures will not come; 9. God Himself will lift the curse of the first parents and all the people in it, and this is the true Messiah, God incarnate

- wrote the Frankists in a manifesto submitted to Dembowski. It bore the signatures of 21 of the most prominent among them, including Salomon (Shlomo) Schor. By contrast, it is not clear if Frank himself influenced this text in any way23.

Its characteristic trait was a fierce attack on the Talmud – the Frankists, by the way, referred to themselves as “anti-Talmudists”. As Maciejko mentions, they could not directly attack Judaism, the religion officially recognised in the Republic, so they tried to show that Talmudism was a distortion of it24. They were initially clearly successful. In October 1757, the clerical court not only exonerated them of all charges but allowed their doctrine to be propagated (in accordance with the confession of faith presented) and declared the Talmud to be a harmful book and ordered its copies to be publicly burned. The Sabbateans’ joy was short-lived, however: less than a month after the verdict, Bishop Dembowski, their chief ecclesiastical protector, died. As a result, things returned to the state they had been in before the Kamieniec discussion: Frank’s disciples continued to be persecuted, a dozen were probably killed, and some fled across the Turkish border.

There they met again the Master who had converted to Islam – presumably fearing for his own safety and considering the cause in Poland lost. In the meantime, however, August III granted him and his followers in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth safe passage. The Polish authorities also agreed to another dispute with the rabbis, this time held in Lvov. As Doktór points out, negotiations on this issue were again led by, among others, Salomon Schor25. The latter probably succeeded his father, who had died in 1757, as leader of the Polish Frankists. The dispute finally began on 17 July 1759. The strength of the dislike or hatred between the rabbis and the Sabbateans is evidenced by the accusation made by the latter. Relying on Talmudic passages taken out of context, mistranslations, or simple misrepresentations, Schor, Yehuda Leib Krysa and Moliwda (Antoni Kossakowski) – two of the main Frankist representatives besides him – accused Jews of committing ritual murder. The allegation was a deadly one for all Jews. Happily, it ultimately had no consequences. Instead, the dispute brought about a crucial change for the Frankists.

In fact, there had been talks about their conversion to Catholicism – the meeting in Lvov was dependent on it. Paradoxically, the baptism of the Frankists was also in the interest of the rabbis, who wished to rid their own ranks of a dangerous heresy once and for all. Conversion finally corresponded to Frank’s own teaching, according to which the way to final salvation led precisely through the complete abandonment of Judaism. According to Charles Novak, “Christianity was the culmination and abolition of the Jewish Law, based on the Talmud and considered invalid”26. Another thing is that the Frankists also demanded during the baptismal negotiations the right to wear traditional Jewish dress, the right not to eat pork, to observe the Sabbath, to wear beards, to marry among themselves. And above all, they expected true autonomy and an area for settlement27. Notably, converts could also count on ennoblement in the Commonwealth (above all in Lithuania). It is therefore clear that they intended to form a separate community within Christianity, in terms of customs not essentially different from the followers of traditional Judaism.

However, all these demands were rejected by the Polish church hierarchy and magnates. The Frankists, on the other hand, had no choice: returning to the bosom of Judaism was impossible, and, from their point of view, the only solution remained baptism according to the rules imposed by the Polish party. Frank arrived in Lvov while the dispute was still in progress. Pressed by Father Szczepan Mikulski, Archdeacon of Lvov, on 17 September 1759 he finally decided to be baptised in Lvov in water. Later, in Warsaw, he was to be baptised with all the rites. Significantly, Salomon Schor was baptised on the same day (along thirty other Frankists). He took the name Franciszek, while his surname was changed to “Wołowski” – according to the translation of the noun “schor”28. Soon Elisha’s other children followed suit. In early 1760, Natan Schor became Michał Józef Wołowski, Yehuda Schor became Jan Wołowski, and finally Isaac became Henryk Wołowski29. In addition to the brothers mentioned above, several more converts took the surname Wołowski, including Franciszek Józef, Michał, Feliks, Łukasz Franciszek, Jan Kanty30. It seems that they may have been related to Elisha – especially as, according to Kraushar, they were partly from Rohatyn, but the degree of this kinship is impossible to determine. Conversions of the Frankists continued for some time; their exact number is not known. Gershom Scholem estimates it at around 1,000, Doktór at around 2,000, and Soboń suggests a similar figure. Maciejko, on the other hand, mentions around 3,00031. This number certainly did not reflect the hopes of the Polish bishops; on the other hand, it represented the largest group conversion of Jews in the Republic of the 18th century.

However, this was not the end of this unusual religious group with which the Schor/Wołowski family was so strongly associated. Immediately after the baptism, suspicions arose about Frank’s real intentions and the sincerity of his Christian beliefs and, consequently, the beliefs of his faithful followers. Admittedly, as Kraushar wrote, “After being baptised, the Frankists abandoned their Jewish robes, shaved off their beards and began to dress according to Christian fashion.”32. However, this was clearly not enough to convince a sceptical section of the hierarchy with Archdeacon Mikulski in the lead. Frank has been fully baptised in Warsaw at the Royal Chapel in the Saxon Palace on 28 November 1759. At the same time, Father Pikulski was collecting testimonies in Lvov from newly baptised Frankists, including Franciszek Wołowski. Among other things, Wołowski recounted the light he allegedly saw over Frank at night, and his gift of prophecy. Together with several other Frankists, he was also alleged to have stated in Pikulski’s presence that “Considering all these words [of Frank – RD], matters, and other circumstances, we have come to the understanding that Christ, Whom we believe in, is hidden in the Person of Frank Our Guide; because we have observed signs of the wounds of Christ expressed on his head and heart, even though he conceals them, making himself the most miserable of all”33. Perhaps these words were a testimony to the first Frankist rebellion against Frank, with the Wołowskis at the head. Jan Doktór suggests so, writing clearly that they diverged significantly from Frank’s teaching at the time: “They seem to have wanted either to put him to the test or simply to get rid of a satrap who had lost their confidence, but they by no means intended to betray their Judeo-Christian, syncretic faith”34. Be that as it may, Pikulski then sent these confessions to Warsaw, from where they were forwarded to Rome. Frank and his entourage were further accused of sexual and financial abuse.35 It may also be, according to Maciejko, that it was only then that news of Frank’s earlier conversion to Islam reached some of the bishops36. In any case, Frank was arrested on 7 January 1760, and less than three weeks later stood before a consistory court in Warsaw. It found him guilty of most of the charges and sent him to Częstochowa.

It may come as a surprise that the “Master” was the only one accused and convicted. For, in theory, the accusation of false baptism could have been extended to the entire sect, and certainly to Frank’s closest disciples, including the Wołowski brothers. This, however, did not happen. Perhaps the Polish Church, as Doktór suggests, did not want to admit the failure of its missionary efforts towards the Jews37. Perhaps the judges felt that it was enough to hit the leader to get the entire group back on the righteous Catholic track.

In any case, the Wołowskis and other Frankists remained at large, while their leader was imprisoned. Jacob Frank was to spend the next 13 years in seclusion in the Jasna Góra monastery. Initially, he stayed there alone; the first disciples were only able to visit him in November 1760. Among them was Jan Wołowski; Franciszek, in turn, appeared in January 1761. While many of his followers left him immediately after his arrest, the Wołowskis remained with their “master”. In fact, the brothers still belonged to his closest circle. In time, they settled in Częstochowa. The importance of the Wołowskis in this small group is also evidenced by the missions entrusted to them by Frank. In 1765, Franciszek and Jan Wołowski (and Paweł Pawłowski) were sent to Moscow, probably with a proposal to convert the Frankists to Orthodoxy – in exchange for the release of the “Master”38. As Maciejko writes, because of a rabbi residing in Moscow, the mission failed completely39. In 1768, Jan Wołowski set off for Moravia with a message calling on the Sabbateans to convert to Catholicism. In the same year, Henryk left with a similar message for Hungary40, then he gave “all the true believers” an order to immediately move to Warsaw permanently41. However, there was another aspect of this close relationship with “the Lord”, as the followers called Frank. For the religious rituals in the group sometimes contained surprising sexual elements. For example, one day “The lord ordered at that time that Mateuszewski, Pawłowski and Mateuszewski Nadwornieński should be connected with the wife of Henryk Wołowski”42. On another occasion, Frank addressed the women in the following way:

I have need of one great thing to bring forth, therefore I want you to choose one of your Sisters from among yourselves and give her to me: but it must be in love and harmony, in friendship, so that each one wishes her as well as if she herself were to go in her place. You will only give this Sister to me because Eine Schwester ohne Brüder ist wie eine Schiff ohne Rüder; and I will take her in, I will give her good food and drink, I will deal with her every night 7 times and 6 times during the day. This woman will become pregnant with my daughter (…) [the women] agreed among themselves and chose wife of Henryk Wołowski43.

These practices were not new among the Frankists or Sabbateans, nor, it seems, did they affect the attitude of the disciples – including the Wołowski brothers – towards Frank.

Details

Pages
360
Year
2024
ISBN (PDF)
9783631916469
ISBN (ePUB)
9783631916476
ISBN (Hardcover)
9783631910948
DOI
10.3726/b21670
Language
English
Publication date
2024 (March)
Keywords
Louis Wolowski frankists November Uprising 1830-1831 January Uprising 1863-1864 July Monarchy French II Empire French III Republic Classical Economics Crédit Foncier Hotel Lambert Polish Batignolles School
Published
Berlin, Bern, Bruxelles, New York, Oxford, Warszawa, Wien, 2024. 360 pp.

Biographical notes

Rafał Dobek (Author)

Rafał Dobek is a Polish historian and associate professor at the Department of History at Adam Mickiewicz University. He graduated in European studies in 1997 and earned a PhD in history in 2002.

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Title: Louis Wolowski (1810-1876)