Chinese Approaches to Global Governance

Research Background

Edward Said, a famous Palestinian American professor of comparative literature and political activist, observes that a prevailing attitude exists in the West where Asian cultures are positioned as inferior to Western cultures. The West, which consists not only of Europe but also the United States (U.S.), holds strong prejudice toward Asian cultures. By creating a homogenous image, the West believes that its culture has become more influential and dominant over the history of human civilization. In other words, Orientalism misidentifies Asia because it argues that people from this area are stereotypically exotic. According to the book, the West believes that “the Oriental is irrational, depraved, childlike, ‘different’; the European is rational, virtuous, mature, ‘normal.’”¹ As stated in the book, the “White Man” is a concept referring to the West who holds specific views toward the Orient. The duty of the “White Man” is to help the colored races.² The Orientalist authorities claim to know more about Asia than the people who live there do. Thus, the West holds a position of power over the East. In terms of the West’s perspective, the East is incapable of taking care of themselves. “The East… never finds traces of self-government… All their great contributions to civilization… have been made under that form of government (absolute government)…”³ It is imperative for the West to govern the East, providing an excuse for the West to advocate and implement colonialism in the East.

Orientalism is still alive in today’s world, particularly in government policy and state-to-state relations. By linking Orientalism to contemporary China, the West has consistently criticized China’s role in global affairs. A total of four typical case studies would be analyzed in the following section including the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) (“一带一路”), the China-U.S. trade war, China’s role in the pandemic, and the China-Africa cooperation.

As a new solution of global governance proposed by China, the BRI has been implemented for only one decade. Therefore, it is normal for BRI to experience some difficulties and challenges. Orientalism does apply to the BRI. The West criticizes the BRI as a strategy of expanding China’s global influence and attempting to take over the West in dominating the world.

The China–U.S. relationship is one of the most important state-to-state relations all over the world. The China-U.S. diplomatic relationship was officially established on January 1, 1979, and 2019 marked the 40^th anniversary of the establishment of China-U.S. diplomatic relations. All in all, the China–U.S. relationship has moved forward steadily although there are setbacks and frustrations over the past four decades. Orientalism does not apply to China–U.S. relations in general, but it applies to specific historic events of China–U.S. relations such as the trade war.

While the authors earned their doctoral degree in an American university respectively. Their Chinese-English bilingualism and cross-cultural experience made up of their Chinese cultural background and the American cultural experiences inform their perspectives on China-U.S. relations. Before stating the four case studies, they will explicate the two fundamental reasons as to why the West has frequently criticized China’s performance in international relations.

The first fundamental reason is China’s history, particularly during the first half of the 20^th century. This period of China’s history leads Western countries to have a negative attitude and impression toward China.

Although having a large geographic area and huge population, China used to be a country that was weak and indigent in the areas of economic capacity and international prestige during the first half of the 20^th century. During that historic period, China was unable to speak out regarding global affairs and its voice was not heard in the international community. Although the revolution led by Sun Yat-sen overthrew the Qing Dynasty, ended two thousand years of cyclic dynastic history, spread democratic ideas across the whole country, and attempted to establish a republic in 1912, the revolution was not radical for China. In the aspect of foreign affairs, Sun and his administration continued to recognize all unfair international and bilateral treaties signed by the Qing Dynasty with the Western powers due to China’s sluggish economic development, unstable political situation, and weak international influence.⁴

Between 1937 and 1945, the invasion war launched by Japan caused more than 20 million Chinese soldiers and civilians to lose their lives.⁵ Throughout the eight years of tough resistance, the Chinese people made great sacrifices. Eventually, through working together, the Chinese people successfully fought off Japan’s military invasion. However, after the end of the Chinese people’s victory in the war of resistance against Japan, a civil war took place in China between the Communist Party of China (CPC) led by Mao Zedong and the Kuomintang led by Chiang Kai-shek. Taken as a whole, the Chinese society was full of instability and social chaos during the first half of the 20^th century. Thus, China did not have a strong capacity to uphold its national interests in international relations.

The second fundamental reason is the so-called “China threat”. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the U.S. has become the only superpower in the world. In this international background, the West is not willing to see a more powerful and greater China in the international community. The Cold War mentality still exists: If China rises, the hegemony dominated by the West would be impacted by China’s proactive role in global affairs. In order to contain China’s growing influence in the world, the West has utilized the tool of propaganda in an attempt to portray China as a country that produces global chaos, panic, and horror. Thus, people in Western countries commonly hold a negative attitude toward China. According to “International Opinions of China” released in 2019, more than 60 percent of citizens in Japan, Sweden, Canada, the U.S., and France had an unfavorable impression toward China. On the contrary, developing countries such as Russia, Nigeria, Lebanon, and Tunisia have more than 60 percent favorable impression toward China among their citizens.⁶

Because of these two reasons, it is imperative for China to change. China used to be a country that could not speak out in the international community, but the current circumstance is different from the past. Can China speak out in the international community now? Can China’s performance in the international community change the West’s impression on China from negative to positive? These are the two questions that the author needs to answer in the following section.

According to Antonio Gramsci’s definition, the subaltern classes refer to “any ‘low rank’ person or group of people in a particular society suffering under hegemonic domination of a ruling elite class that denies them the basic rights of participation in the making of local history and culture as active individuals of the same nation.”⁷ Subaltern studies apply to the U.S. society such as people settling in ghettos and residents in suburban areas. Race and low income are major characteristics of ghettos. However, “In the typical racially segregated urban region, moving outward from the inner core, the density of population decreases, and the income, wealth, and educational level of the people rise. Unemployment rates decline, and racial segregation diminishes.”⁸ This urban structure is determined by the capitalist political economic system, including “the interaction of labor markets, worksites, goods and service distribution, wealth accumulation, and their combined effect on the survival of individuals… .”⁹ With the rapid development of globalization, successful wage laborers and capitalists reap benefits by integrating themselves into this system. In contrast, those laborers who are unable to integrate into this system would in most likelihood suffer from poverty, often leading to ghettos becoming their homes.

In regard to subaltern cosmopolitanism, Boaventura de Sousa Santos’ perspective concentrates on the organizational level instead of the individual level. He argues that “it is possible for different struggles to form a kind of counter- hegemonic globalization against unbridled expansion of global capitalism.”¹⁰ Thus, subaltern cosmopolitanism does apply to state-to-state relations and the history of China–U.S. relations. Under the global pattern of the 1950s, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which was founded in 1949, was viewed as a subaltern while the U.S. was viewed as a hegemony. During that historic period, China, as a socialist country that was not playing a crucial role in global affairs, perceived the U.S. as an imperialist country because of its containment policy and the ideology of American exceptionalism.

In fact, China is no longer a “subaltern” in today’s world. The policy of “reform and opening” initiated by Deng Xiaoping has successfully changed China’s role in global affairs from being silent to being able to speak out. If the founding of the PRC is considered as the most important revolution for China in the 20^th century, the “reform and opening” can also be considered as another influential revolution for China in the 20^th century.

In 1978, Deng was officially confirmed as the second paramount leader of the CPC during the 3^rd Plenary Session of the 11^th CPC Central Committee. Additionally, this session proved to be a turning point in the direction of China’s policies regarding economic, social development, and foreign affairs due to the approval of the “reform and opening” policy. It was decided at this conference that the model of economic development in China would be transformed from a centrally planned economy to a market economy with Chinese characteristics, and that China’s economic cooperation with other countries would be expanded.

Since implementing the “reform and opening” policy, China has been opened to the outside world. Interactions between China and the rest of the world have been strengthened. China’s international prestige has been consistently raised. The situation of the world and the Chinese society is always changing, therefore, the “reform and opening” is an ongoing revolution for China, and it apparently will not come to an end in the foreseeable future.

Book Structure

As for the book structure, it has three sections, and three sections include ten chapters in total. The first section is China’s diplomatic theory and its practice. The second section is China–U.S. relations. The third section is China-Africa relations. With regards to each chapter, Chapter 1 is the literature review. The next three chapters of this book present a broad overview of China’s foreign policy. Chapter 2 explores why and how dialogue and cooperation are cornerstones of today’s Chinese diplomacy. Chapter 3 explores the BRI, China’s most important diplomatic practice in the contemporary era. The fourth chapter argues that China’s institutional reform approved in 2018 has impacted China’s overall foreign policies. It is indisputable that China’s global influence has grown, but before the institutional reform, Beijing’s foreign policy system was not structured to manage the complex global situation. In order to ensure that China’s foreign policy would be effectively formulated, coordinated and implemented, the reform plan of the CPC and the state institutions decided to establish numerous agencies that are helpful for the future development of China’s foreign affairs.

The concept of global governance is applied in the contemporary China–U.S. relationship because it is a state-to-state relationship that moves beyond the bilateral scale, becoming more influential in the international community. The following four chapters discuss China’s foreign policy in relationship to the U.S. Chapter 5 focuses on how the China–U.S. relationship has been nurtured. Chapter 6 focuses on a new model of major-country relations between China and the U.S. as well as China’s trade policy in relationship to the U.S. during the Trump administration. Chapter 7 concentrates on the comprehensive divergence between China and the U.S. Chapter 8 analyzes China–U.S. relations during the Biden administration.

The final two chapters discuss China’s foreign policy toward Africa. Due to similar historic experiences, China and Africa have supported each other over the past few decades. China helped Tanzania and Zambia build a cross-border railroad, and African countries voted the PRC to take over Taiwan’s seat in the United Nations (U.N.). There are 54 sovereign states in Africa, and 53 out of 54 sovereign states maintain diplomatic relations with China. In addition, each of them has different circumstances. The ninth chapter explores the China-Africa comprehensive strategic and cooperative partnership, as well as China’s foreign policy toward four typical African countries: Libya, South Africa, Liberia, and Djibouti. The final chapter focuses on the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), a new model of multilateral cooperative mechanism, which was created at the beginning of the 21^st century to boost the rapid development of China-Africa relations. China and Africa need a joint mechanism to achieve the win-win cooperation that engages over 50 countries.

Research Methods

A mix of four research methods including document analysis, historical analysis, observation, and critical analysis is applied in the discussion of this book. Document analysis, as a systematic procedure for reviewing and evaluating printed and electronic records, is the most effective way of collecting information when events cannot be observed or when informants forget details, or they are deceased. Social science researchers apply document analysis to the study of contemporary China–U.S. relations and contemporary China-Africa relations. For instance, one of the most important intergovernmental documents in the history of contemporary China–U.S. relations is the “Shanghai Communique.” This document states that countries with different social systems and foreign policies should conduct their relations on the principle of mutual respect and peaceful coexistence. All international disputes should be resolved without the use or threat of armed force. Both China and the U.S. should establish a robust framework for cooperation in diverse areas. By signing this document, China and the U.S. have been committed to applying these principles to deepen their bilateral relations for the past four decades.

The year 2024 marks the 45^th anniversary regarding the establishment of China-U.S. diplomatic relations. Throughout the history over the past 44 years, dialogue and win-win cooperation have been the only correct choice about how to properly handle China–U.S. relations. As Joseph Nye, an American international relations theorist, said in an interview, “the U.S. and China both compete and cooperate, but they have more gain from the cooperation dimension of the relationship.”¹¹ Although China and the U.S. have many differences and frictions in trade, ideology, and political system, the two sides have sought to properly eliminate divergences and expand common ground through dialogue and cooperation.

Historical analysis entails interpretation and understanding of various historical events and processes, which can provide an exceptional way to track change and development. By using historical analysis, social science researchers can identify the change, and draw a clear picture about how an event has been developed over the time. The one-China principle is the cornerstone for the Chinese government to build a global partnership. Meanwhile, the Taiwan Issue has been the biggest obstacle impacting China–U.S. relations after both countries began to contact. Historical analysis can be a phenomenal research method to analyze the Taiwan Issue.

Observation is a research method that gathers data by watching events, behavior, or noting physical characteristics. Since the beginning of the 21^st century, China’s international influence has grown. China’s overall diplomatic layout has covered every corner of the world. The FOCAC was established in 2000. In 2022, China hosted the virtual BRICS and the “BRICS+” summits respectively. The inaugural China-Central Asia summit was successfully hosted in 2023. Culture is a crystallization that understands a country’s development process. Studying a country’s culture reveals the attitudes and behaviors that the people appreciate. Thus, the logos of the BRICS and the “BRICS+” summits, the logo of the inaugural China-Central Asia summit, and the logo of the FOCAC would be discussed in the book, attempting to explore what kinds of traditional and modern Chinese culture are inherited and presented in the symbolic images.

Critical analysis includes a process of introducing unique perspectives, and criticism is an essential part of this research. The process of critical analysis demonstrates an ability to think critically, and an ability to introduce new points of view because humanities and social sciences have always been marked by controversies and competing visions of how things should be. Overall, the purpose of critical analysis is to develop new, different, and unique perspectives based on existing information.