A Companion to Conflict and Peace in Northern Ireland

Table of Contents

1. Acknowledgements

2. List of Abbreviations

3. Foreword

4. Introduction and overview

   James W. McAuley, Máire Braniff and Graham Spencer

5. Part I Background and patterns of conflict, settlement and peace

   1. From plantation to partition: identity development in Northern Ireland

      Landon Hancock

   2. The origins of the ‘Troubles’

      Simon Prince

   3. Governments in conflict

      Eamonn O’Kane

   4. ‘Tangled up in Red, White and Blue’: securitisation, the border and North-South relations since partition

      Shaun McDaid

6. Part II Protagonists in conflict

   1. Ulster Unionism and Irish Nationalism

      Clare Rice

   2. Ulster Loyalism

      Graham Spencer

   3. Irish Republicanism since 1969

      John F. Morrison

   4. The British Army and the Security Forces in Northern Ireland

      Aaron Edwards

   5. Understanding policing reform in the ‘new’ Northern Ireland

      Jonny Byrne

7. Part III Northern Irish society: identity and politics

   1. Social identity, belonging and the conflict

      Neil Ferguson

   2. Religion, violence and the conflict

      L. Philip Barnes

   3. Sport, conflict and peace

      John Bell

   4. The political economy of education in Northern Ireland since the peace agreement

      Alan McCully and Alan Smith

   5. Class and conflict in Northern Ireland

      Colin Coulter

   6. Sectarianism, segregation and socialisation into difference

      James W. McAuley

   7. Parity of esteem for all? Migrants and political belonging in Northern Ireland

      Philip McDermott and Shannon Doherty

8. Part IV Women, gender, conflict and peace-building

   1. ‘The peace We Know’: women in peace and conflict

      Máire Braniff

   2. Gender and sexuality in Northern Ireland

      Fiona Bloomer, Claire Pierson and Danielle Mackle

   3. Conflict, peacebuilding and LGBTQIA+ identities

      Fidelma Ashe and John O’Doherty

9. Part V Representations of conflict

   1. Popular culture and political representations: notes from the ‘culture war’ in Northern Ireland

      Dominic Bryan

   2. The media and Northern Ireland: from the ‘Troubles’ and the peace process to online sectarian entrepreneurship

      Paddy Hoey and Stephen Baker

   3. Northern Ireland in plays, television and film

      Connal Parr

10. Part VI Violence, memory and legacy

    1. ‘Ghost Stories You’ll Tell to Your Wains’: memory, mourning and commemorative politics in Northern Ireland

       Rebecca Graff-McRae

    2. Memory and reconstructions of the past: the role of commemoration

       Kris Brown

    3. Political memoir-writing and memories of conflict: personal narratives of the ‘Troubles’

       Stephen Hopkins

    4. Reconciliation, change, politics and peace

       Duncan Morrow

11. Part VII Politics, society and the future

    1. Politics after the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement: lessons of peace and conflict

       David Mitchell

    2. Meta-governing out of conflict: the European Union Programme for Peace and Reconciliation

       Giada Lagana

    3. The politics of the third space

       Cillian McGrattan

    4. Young people in conflict and post-conflict Northern Ireland

       Mary-Louise Corr and Siobhan McAlister

    5. A fragile peace: contemporary and future politics

       Feargal Cochrane

12. Notes on Contributors

13. Index

Acknowledgements

The Companion to Conflict and Peace in Northern Ireland stands as a testament to the power of education, learning and the creation of dialogue to transform conflict and build peace. We wish to express our gratitude to all who have contributed their expertise, insight and experience in the creation of this Companion. Their perspectives provide an in-depth and valuable insight to the region’s history, politics and society that we hope will endure for many years.

We would like to convey our gratitude to the many students we have encountered and continue to interact with. They continually remind us of the influence of education, dialogue and reflection through the power of their curiosity, and enthusiasm for learning, which is a constant source of inspiration. We are aware that critical thinking and learning do not stop at the gates of the academy, and we sincerely hope that this volume will prove of use to future generations of practitioners, scholars and students. As they continue to reflect on the often complex and contested history of Northern Ireland, we hope that the many thought-provoking contributions in this book will continue to engage and inspire them in future research and writings.

We extend our sincere thanks to Tony Mason and the team at Peter Lang, the peer reviewers and everyone involved in bringing this book forward. We appreciate your insights, attention to detail and constructive feedback. As ever, a heartfelt thank you also goes to our families and loved ones, whose kind understanding and unwavering support has, as always, made this work possible.

Abbreviations

1. ABC Audited Bureau of Circulation

2. ACPO Association of Chief Police Officers

3. APNI Alliance Party of Northern Ireland

4. AIFTA Anglo-Irish Free Trade Agreement

5. AfC Alliance for Choice

6. AONISC Amalgamation of Official Northern Ireland Supporters Club

7. AQE Association for Quality Education

8. AP Atlantic Philanthropies

9. ARINS Analysing and Researching Ireland North and South

10. BBC British Broadcasting Cooperation

11. B/GFA Belfast / Good Friday Agreement

12. BIP Belfast Interface Project

13. CAIN Conflict Archive on the Internet

14. CCEA Curriculum, Examinations and Assessment

15. CGP Consultative Group on the Past

16. COE Council on the European Union

17. CRC Community Relations Council

18. CTA Common Travel Area

19. CVSNI Commission for Victims and Survivors Northern Ireland

20. DoE Department of Education

21. DfC Department of Communities

22. DoH Department of Health

23. DEA District Electoral Area

24. DFA Department of Foreign Affairs

25. DPPB District Policing Partnership Board

26. DSD Downing Street Declaration

27. DUP Democratic Unionist Party

28. ECNI Equality Commission Northern Ireland

29. EEC European Economic Community

30. EU European Union

31. ESRC Economic and Social Research Council

32. ECHR European Convention of Human Rights

33. FICT Commission on Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition

34. GAA Gaelic Athletic Association

35. GAWA Green and White Army

36. GPNI Green Party Northern Ireland

37. HMSO Her Majesty’s Stationery Office

38. ICBAN Irish Central Border Area Network

39. IRA Irish Republican Army

40. INLA Irish National Liberation Army

41. LGBTQIA+ Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, Intersex, Asexual and other sexual identities

42. MLA Member of the Legislative Assembly

43. MEP Member of the European Parliament

44. MP Member of Parliament

45. NHS National Health Service

46. NIAC Northern Ireland Affairs Committee

47. NIGLA Northern Ireland Local Government Association

48. NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party

49. NILT Northern Ireland Life and Times

50. NIO Northern Ireland Office

51. NIPB Northern Ireland Policing Board

52. NISRA Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency

53. NIYF Northern Ireland Youth Forum

54. NDNA New Decade New Approach (Agreement)

55. OIRA Official Irish Republican Army

56. PEACE Special EU Programmes Body PEACE Programme(s)

57. PIRA Provisional Irish Republican Army

58. PRONI Public Records Office Northern Ireland

59. PSNI Police Service of Northern Ireland

60. PUL Protestant-Unionist Loyalist

61. PUP Progressive Unionist Party

62. RTÉ Raidió Teilifís Éireann

63. RUC Royal Ulster Constabulary

64. SDP Social Democratic Party (UK)

65. SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party

66. SF Sinn Féin

67. TUV Traditional Unionist Voice

68. UDA Ulster Defence Association

69. UDP Ulster Democratic Party

70. UDR Ulster Defence Regiment

71. UEFA Union of European Football Associations

72. UN United Nations

73. UNSCR United Nations Security Council Resolution

74. UUP Ulster Unionist Party

75. UVF Ulster Volunteer Force

76. UWC Ulster Workers Council

77. WHO World Health Organisation

78. WHW Women Help Women

79. WOW Women on the Web

80. YEHA Youth Education Health Advice

Foreword

Northern Ireland may be an extensively researched polity, yet there are surprisingly few comprehensive accounts covering the region’s history, violence, politics, identities and depictions and making the connections between each aspect. A Companion to Conflict and Peace in Northern Ireland is therefore an important volume in both the breadth and depth of its coverage of a problematic political arena. Not many books span the Plantation, Partition and the Peace Process. This work achieves that feat.

The book’s thematic approach facilitates the historical explanation of Northern Ireland’s divisions and their reproduction in contemporary politics and society. The national, political, religious and class-based building blocks of rival identities are dissected in depth. The volume analyses how the conflict has been depicted via media narratives and memoirs; and assesses how an often difficult and contentious peace has evolved. Although various contributions emphasise the importance of history and memory, there is nonetheless equal emphasis upon dynamism: the past informs the present but need not utterly dictate its terms.

The scope of the book allows for a deep understanding of the origins and depth of conflict and how it informs contemporary outlooks. As Landon Hancock’s opening chapter shows, the period between Plantation and Partition was formative in developing the identities of Northern Protestants and Irish Catholics, both grounded in fear of the other. Simon Prince then sets out the mainstream interpretation, charting how—on the usual reading—the persistence of intercommunal rivalry and unequal treatment of Irish Catholic nationalists by a dominant Protestant–Unionist–British tradition is taken to explain the late-1960s boil-over. Subsequent efforts to manage and mitigate the conflict saw a gradual improvement in British–Irish intergovernmental relations – but from a very poor starting position, as Eamonn O’Kane and Shaun McDaid both show in their respective contributions.

The next part of the book shifts the focus to the state-of-play among antagonists. Clare Rice emphasises how unionists and nationalists need to appeal beyond their respective bases to secure the constitutional future they desire. Graham Spencer makes similar points regarding the need for ideological and tactical flexibility within loyalism, where an enhanced focus upon social need is evident amid a community concerned with the lack of peace prosperity. Meanwhile, John F. Morrison shows how, apart from a small minority of dissidents, Irish republicanism has remained largely united, if ‘unrecognisable’ from the version offered a generation ago. The same ‘unrecognisable’ label applies to modern security in Northern Ireland, the British Army largely removed, as Aaron Edwards chronicles and the police largely reformed, as Jonny Byrne relates. Contemporary controversies are mainly confined to how to deal with episodes from the past and the difficult search for justice.

Another core section explores various aspects of identity and politics within Northern Irish society. Neil Ferguson argues the need to ‘transcend traditional ethno-national divisions’, (p. 185) urging shared spaces, education and values, while acknowledging new diversities. The line between the desire for integration and respect for diversity is not always easy to tread. Where should respect for difference begin and end? Should all cultures receive equal treatment? As Duncan Morrow’s chapter notes, voluntary implicit reconciliation has (tentatively) been attempted, rather than a full programme of integration. John Bell’s chapter on sporting divisions – nationalist enthusiasm for the Gaelic Athletic Association and the Irish soccer team versus unionist support for Northern Ireland’s football team – highlights one area of significant social and cultural difference where thawing rather than major change may be the most that is attainable. Barnes examines the importance of religion as a continuing communal marker. McAuley develops this theme, arguing sectarianism has deeper roots that extend ‘far beyond the notion of religious or denominational difference’ (p. 181).

If religion is one oft-considered obvious social marker, the importance of class can be understated. The persistence of educational selection, with social class having considerable bearing upon outcomes and ultimate life chances, is considered in the chapter by McCully and Smith while Colin Coulter emphasises the uneven class distribution of the conflict and peace dividends.

Other key components of identity – gender and sexual – are assessed in the chapters by Bloomer; Pierson and Mackle; Ashe and O’Doherty; and Braniff. The overarching message if of significant progress in recent years. However, liberalising legislation on same-sex marriage and abortion was not agreed within Northern Ireland’s Assembly amid vetoes and continuing social conservatism, instead requiring direct intervention from Westminster.

If Northern Ireland is changing, are its depictions? The assessments in sections four and five cover memory, media and memoir. The salience of collective memory in shaping and reproducing ethno-national narratives can hardly be overstated. Indeed, as Kris Brown argues, there has been something of a ‘memory boom’ in recent years. That said, the contributions of Brown and Dominic Bryan show how, notwithstanding the omnipresent importance of commemoration, the picture is far from static in that the nature of collective remembrance events has often shifted in recent years. A similarly fluid picture is presented by Paddy Hoey and Stephen Baker in their analysis of the press, television and radio. While the overarching political allegiances of Northern Ireland’s three main newspapers may be unchanged, there have been important shifts, the authors noting, as just one example, the much more sympathetic coverage of Sinn Féin offered by the Irish News. Media outlets need to reflect, as well as try to shape, the outlooks of their readers. It is perhaps in films, plays and theatre that supposed verities and comforting old certainties concerning Northern Ireland are reproduced although even here, Connal Parr notes a mixed picture of continuity and change. Rebecca Graff-McRae notes how ‘ghosts of the Troubled past still retain the power to shape the landscape of commemorative politics in Northern Ireland (p. 421)’ but she also presents an evolving picture which highlights how the polity is now commemorating peace – for example, the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement celebrations – as well as mourning past violence.

If other chapters in these sections stress the importance of collective memory, Stephen Hopkins’ analysis of personal memoirs is a vital contribution regarding individual perspectives of conflict – those of ‘my’ conflict, not just ‘our’ conflict. Hopkins is alert to the risk of memoir being used to reify communal memories and justifications – what he terms the ‘political instrumentalisation of personal narratives’ (p. 454) – but nonetheless argues convincingly that personal accounts can provide source material of value beyond the scope of more holistic analyses of the conflict.

The final section of the volume examines the peace process. David Mitchell cautions against easy use of the term ‘lessons’ from Northern Ireland’s process. There is disagreement over what constitutes a ‘lesson’ – should or can one country’s process be a template for others? – and there is no cross-community consensus over what created peace. Nonetheless, Mitchell makes the valid points that the success of the process and its durability give cause for optimism within and beyond Northern Ireland.

Nonetheless, much remains to be done and the findings of Mary-Louise Corr and Siobhan McAlister that ‘long-term and cross-generational impacts of conflict-related trauma may be more extensive than is currently understood’ (p. 538) offers cause for concern. Brexit has also provided a significant political challenge given the arguably understated contribution of the European Union (EU) to the thawing of borders. Giada Lagana’s chapter also suggests that local peacebuilding capacity was increased significantly by EU peace programmes.

This section offers useful considerations of how the binary focus of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement needs updating. As Philip McDermott and Shannon Doherty observe, the numbers of Northern Ireland residents born outside the region continues to expand and migrants and other social groups from beyond the traditional unionist versus nationalist divide are now much more commonplace. Cillian McGrattan analyses the growth of a ‘third space’ but suggests this does not necessarily lie, as commonly perceived, in the non-unionist and non-nationalist politics of the Alliance Party and an ill-defined centre ground, but with more radical anti-ethnic politics groupings. Whether the heterogeneity of such forces constitutes a definable third space – or numerous disparate spaces – is open to debate.

The peace process has achieved its core goal – peace – even if the quality of that peace remains a source of dispute and rival constitutional goals can never be reconciled. Indeed, division between two ethno-national communities is baked into the political system. As Feargal Cochrane concludes in this section, the unanswered questions are whether the political process can dissipate sectarianism and whether sufficient common purpose can be seen between the two main communities to stabilise power-sharing.

This volume provides a series of indispensable analyses of Northern Ireland’s past and present and links them in an admirable way. It illuminates the interplay between memory and modernisation; demonstrates how Northern Ireland has evolved as a society and political arena; and highlights contemporary political predicaments. Above all, this Companion illustrates the value of an interdisciplinary approach to the study of Northern Ireland. The contributions of historians, sociologists and political scientists ensure that the book’s eclecticism is a strength. Interpretations of group and individual actions are explained and evaluated from beyond narrow disciplinary boundaries, greatly enriching our knowledge of the contested pasts and present of an often-troubled polity.

—Jon Tonge, University of Liverpool

Introduction and overview

James W. McAuley, Máire Braniff and Graham Spencer

This multi-disciplinary collection of essays examines the wide range of influences and motivations, from the plantation, through partition, the ‘Troubles’, to the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement and the era of the peace process, that have shaped and continue to influence the social contours and structures of Northern Ireland society. It further considers those structures in relation to the emergence of other issues that have come to help determine the course of ‘post-conflict’ change. In that sense, the chapters in this volume offer a trajectory between two points, moving from war to peace or, perhaps more accurately, from violence to non-violence.

The ending of overtly organised and structural violence does not necessarily mean an end to those attitudes, emotions, identities and senses of belonging that forged conflict and sustained the violence. Rather, a new context has developed where violent actions and reactions have been defused, resisted or replaced by possibilities of peace and transformation. We should not deceive ourselves into thinking that the motivations for conflict and violence have been erased and cannot reignite, but it would be unwise, however, for us to think that new possibilities that have grown in a post-conflict setting are insignificant or inconsequential.