The Humanities Laboratory
From Design to Archaeology
Summary
We are interested in what makes humanities laboratories different from their scientific relatives. Can a humanities lab and those investigating natural sciences even be considered as related? Or should the relationship between them be seen transversally, outside of the opposition between the humanities and the natural and formal sciences?
We argue that the humanities laboratory should not be based on the idea of mimesis and imitate a scientific lab, but rather operate according to the principle of mimicry. Only in this way can the humanities fulfil their self-critical function.
Excerpt
Table Of Contents
- Cover
- Halftitle Page
- Title Page
- Copyright Page
- Contents
- Introduction
- What Goes on in Humanities Laboratories?
- Part 1: Humanities Laboratories
- Chapter 1. The Tricky Case of Claude Lévi-Strauss’s Laboratoire d’Anthropologie Sociale
- Chapter 2. The Laboratory as a “Soap Bubble”: Juri Lotman, the Tartu–Moscow School and the Laboratory of History and Semiotics
- Chapter 3. Jerzy Grotowski’s Laboratory Theatre: A Laboratory in Search of the Truth
- Chapter 4. An Archaeology of Humanities Infrastructure: Paul Otlet and Laboratorium Mundaneum
- Chapter 5. The Private Banker of Academia: The Case of Aby Warburg’s Laboratory of Cultural-Scientific Picture-History
- Part 2: Laboratorisation of the Humanities
- Chapter 6. The Laboratory Effect: Laboratories in Leipzig at the Turn of the Twentieth Century
- Chapter 7. The Laboratorisation of the Field: The Formation of the Anthropological Mode of Knowledge
- Chapter 8. Jeremy Bentham and the Formation of the Laboratory of Power-Knowledge
- Part 3: The Post-Humanist Laboratory
- Chapter 9. The Humanities Laboratory and Neoliberal Academia: The Case of SenseLab
- Chapter 10. Swarm in the Post-Humanities Laboratory: On Collective Research Practices from a Post-Humanist Perspective
What Goes on in Humanities Laboratories?
Aleksandra Kil-Matlak, Jacek Małczyński, Dorota Wolska
In the essay “Thinking as a Moral Act”, Clifford Geertz explores the idea of “scientific objectivity” by referring to the stereotype of the “white-coated laboratory technician” characterised by being “antiseptic emotionally”:
Like a eunuch in a harem, a scientist is a functionary with a useful defect; and, like a eunuch, correspondingly dangerous because of an insensibility to subcerebral (often called “human”) concerns. I don’t know much about what goes on in laboratories; but in anthropological fieldwork, detachment is neither a natural gift nor a manufactured talent. It is a partial achievement laboriously earned and precariously maintained. What little disinterestedness one manages to attain comes not from failing to have emotions or neglecting to perceive them in others, nor yet from sealing oneself into a moral vacuum. It comes from a personal subjection to a vocational ethic.1
This passage is interesting for at least two reasons. Firstly, Geertz deconstructs the myth of the impartial, emotionless scientist, arguing that disinterestedness is not a given, but a result of scientific professionalism. Secondly, confessing to his own ignorance about how laboratories work, he still invokes the stereotype of the “white-coated scientist”, which also demonstrates his ambivalent attitude to the natural sciences per se.2 On the wave of twentieth-century anti-positivist and anti-naturalist trends, which Geertz championed, the laboratory was disparaged in humanities seeking their own identity beyond analogies with natural sciences. Today, thanks to studies on science and technology, especially the “ethnography of the laboratory”, the humanities know more about how scientific laboratories work and that they are by no means as objective and insensitive to the matters of the human world as they might appear. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, something of a “disenchantment” of the laboratory is taking place. Its rediscovery – known as “the laboratory turn”3 or “laboratory fever”4 – is associated with the emergence of new research streams such as post-humanism, revisiting the relationship between nature and culture, digital humanities, experimenting with advanced technical apparatus, or those strands of the humanities related to neurosciences. This trend is also visible in the field of art and culture.5 It is manifested in diverse ways in the migration of concepts, research strategies, forms of cooperation or use of technical infrastructure. Darren Wershler, Lori Emerson and Jussi Parikka use the term “lab discourse” to describe “how the word lab serves as a kind of pragmatic persuasion, ordering, and organisation of material and discursive regimes, invoking an entire network of power relations that determine what is and is not possible to say or do within a space designated as a lab”.6 This “expansion of laboratories”7 was manifested especially during the pandemic, which surprised us in the course of our research. We observed at the time how the pandemic restrictions led to the laboratorisation of everyday life, as well as how the agency of infrastructure used for research was revealed. As researchers we had to, for instance, get used to online platforms used for teaching and participating in conferences. The pandemic also brought the question of trust in science and building its social authority into sharp focus.
The laboratory today evokes such widespread and multifaceted interest that, when reflecting on the phenomenon, it is necessary to identify the theoretical framework of one’s own approach, the questions constituting it and the fundamental research interest.8 When we set up the Contemporary Humanities Lab at the University of Wrocław’s Institute of Cultural Studies, we succumbed to this trend ourselves, only post factum beginning to consider what the label we had adopted meant for us. In preposterous mode – in the sense proposed by Mieke Bal9 – we began to look backwards and seek our own genealogy, as well as to ask what this observed laboratorisation of the humanities conceals. This book is the result of that reflection. Analysing various cases of humanities laboratories, we are especially interested in what makes them distinct and different from their scientific relatives. Can a humanities lab and one investigating natural sciences even be considered as related? Or should the relationship between them be seen transversally, outside of the opposition between the humanities and the natural and formal sciences? If the development of modern science means that the laboratory has been appropriated by the latter, is it possible to reclaim it for the humanities, while respecting their autonomy? Can a laboratory offer a remedy to their problems amid the struggle for their place in neoliberal academia and the endeavour to capture attention in society?10
While respecting the humanities’ uniqueness and difference from natural sciences, we do not ignore “the strange estrangement” – as Geertz called it – between these two domains of knowledge,11 which can be expressed by post-humanism, but we also wish to highlight the threats from the contemporary expansion and current situation of research in the natural sciences. From our point of view, the humanities laboratory should not be based on the idea of mimesis and imitate a scientific lab, but rather operate according to the principle of mimicry. As Homi K. Bhabha shows, mimicry is a strategy characterised by ambivalence expressed in the phrase “almost the same but not quite”. This ambiguity means that “mimicry is at once resemblance and menace”, challenging the authority it is based on.12 Only in this way can the humanities fulfil their (self-)critical function. In our view, this “transcendental mobility”, as Michel Foucault put it,13 involving constant undermining of their foundations, continual enquiring as to their own rules, affirmation of uncertainty, and the right to err and reflect (self-reflection), is a condition for their existence as well as the sine qua non condition of a humanities laboratory. In this sense, it can have a destabilising function and become a tool of intra-institutional resistance in the university structure.
The popularity of the laboratory in contemporary humanities can be traced to the cult of innovation and creativity, which tallies with neoliberal methods of administration of academia and scientific life (preferred forms of cooperation, instrumentalisation of knowledge, the grants system, principles of parameterisation of science). In this sense, laboratorisation represents a threat to the humanities and a cover for their subordination to a neoliberal system of academic research modelled on free market rules in which their results are treated as products. This creativity-based model was criticised by Andreas Reckwitz, who introduces the concept of “aesthetic capitalism”, entailing “the constant production of new things, in particular of signs and symbols – text, images, communication, procedures, aesthetic objects, body modifications – for a consumer public in search of originality and surprise”.14 According to Reckwitz, since the 1970s culture has been governed by “the creativity dispositif”, manifested in the realm of social practices (consumption, sport, and sexuality – to which we can add art and science).15
In recent years, the humanities in Poland have been swept up in the spirit of innovation. As Ryszard Nycz has argued, “it makes no sense to abandon (or be excluded from) participation in this innovative-creative community”, as this participation can allow the “applied” functions of humanities to be appreciated.16 Today, observing the advancing process of marketisation of knowledge, we can recognise the currency of Stanisław Pietraszko’s claim that in the new millennium the humanities have entered a “technological phase” and been subjected to the instrumentalisation of knowledge.17 From our point of view, the humanities laboratory should become a place of resistance within (or outside of) university structures. What it offers us is the possibility of making mistakes, which was devalued in the capitalist, success-oriented order of knowledge. This right to err is inherent in the etymology of the word “laboratory”. It derives from the Latin labor, meaning work, toil, endeavour, but also sufferance and distress. It is also contained in the verb laboro (to work, strain, take care of something, but also suffer and endure hardship) as well as labor (to slide, sway, edge along, slip, trip, and stray).
A humanities lab can be a place in which “subjugated knowledges” (as Foucault put it) are cultivated, that is one excluded from official circulation, for example because of its naivety, or “undisciplined” and “antidisciplinary” knowledge (as Judith, aka Jack, Halberstam put it). Halberstam opposes “logics of success” and seeks to reclaim the right to fail, writing “failing, losing, forgetting, unmaking, undoing, unbecoming, not knowing may in fact offer more creative, more cooperative, more surprising ways of being in the world”.18 A laboratory may therefore be useful in “undercommoning” the university, being its “internal outside”, providing shelter to the maroons that try to “steal” it and share its resources,19 as well as being a refuge for those who, like Jacques Derrida, “feel bad” at a university.20
The laboratory from a humanities perspective can be considered in three dimensions. First, scientific laboratories may be their subject of interest (as in the case of science and technology studies). This approach focuses on how laboratories operate in the natural sciences, how they generate facts and build their credibility. The second subject of attention can be humanities labs, pursuing their own research and developing epistemic strategies. This understanding of laboratories may be encountered in digital humanities.21 Third and finally, one can adopt a meta-epistemic perspective and treat the humanities themselves as a laboratory. In this case, we are concerned not so much with a humanities laboratory as a laboratory of humanities, their theories, concepts, research procedures and functions. Although in this book we are analysing diverse cases of humanities laboratories, we are particularly interested in this last approach. We therefore adopt a reflective humanities approach, which holds a mirror to our own concepts and procedures and asks about the conditions of its existence and functions.22
The laboratory itself has been conceptualised in various ways. From Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar’s point of view, it is a “system of literary inscription” and “a hive of writing activity”, as well as a place of “creation of order out of disorder”.23 Jussi Parikka sees it as “a form of textual simulators”, while also pointing to the performative aspect of laboratory work as well as its function in the twentieth-century “technological society”.24 According to Ian Hacking, it “is a space for interfering under controllable and isolable conditions.25 Karin D. Knorr-Cetina sees the laboratory as a place for “reversal and reconfiguration of the surrounding order”, while “a laboratory practice entails the detachment of objects from their natural environment and their installation in a new phenomenal field”.26 The non-uniform nature of the laboratory complicates matters further. Knorr-Cetina identifies various types, such as the war game or sandbox (simulation of the real world in the laboratory space by creating models of it), the medieval cathedral (experimentation as manipulation), and the psychoanalyst’s couch (where it is not objects as such that are examined, but their symptoms).27
A further challenge is differentiating laboratories from other places and forms of knowledge generation (e.g. workshops, centres, institutes, libraries, archives, clinics, incubators, factories, or so-called “tribes”). Urszula Pawlicka-Deger, observing the media labs operating today, notes that a laboratory is no longer confined to a physical space, but is rather a project (concept, initiative, programme).28 A lab in this sense is geared towards solving practical problems of, for example, climate change, social inequalities or the migration crisis. This praxeological orientation is one of the hallmarks of contemporary humanities laboratories. As Pawlicka-Deger and Christopher Thomson argue, they are “sites of intervention and collective imagination engaged in tackling pressing social problems”.29
We understand the laboratory as a mode of knowing, i.e. a way of creating knowledge in the humanities.30 This meta-concept focuses our attention on how we know what we know (as Knorr-Cetina as well as Lorraine Daston put it31). We are therefore thinking of a kind of modality of knowing signalled by a multifaceted how. Thus we do not reduce the laboratory to an idea, metaphor (as is often the case today32), research practice, infrastructure, place, space or institution, although this modality may also contain both spatiality and an institutional and material dimension. Although it might seem that the examples of humanities laboratories we analyse have more differences than things in common – they were formed at different times (although increasingly in the second half of the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth century), in different historical, social, political, but also epistemic contexts, representing various fields of knowledge – we would like to highlight a few distinguishing marks of the laboratorial mode of knowing: nomotheticity, holism, experimentality, innovativeness, openness, collectivity and infrastructurality. They form a kind of network, are interlinked in certain cases, appearing with various intensity and forming original configurations. These are discussed in detail below. Some of them resembled those highlighted by Wershler, Emerson and Parikka’s project. Their “checklist” included space, apparatus, infrastructure, people, imaginaries and techniques. These comprise “the extended lab model”.33
While working on this book, we discovered that John Law uses the term “modes of knowing”, which he treats as forms of giving meaning to the world. In Law’s view, there are different, competing and mutually exclusive modes of knowing. These operate on the basis of exclusion, with their own “blind spots” and shaping their own “forms of othering”:
Necessarily they work by pushing experience through a screen of presuppositions to produce workable forms of knowledge or experience. As a part of this, they distinguish the probable from the improbable, and the possible from the impossible.34
Concentrating on “academic modes of knowing”, Law lists their own forms of differentiation. What they cause to be overlooked is the significance of passions (often concealed) and their impact on the subjects of research undertaken, the role of corporeality in the cognitive process, “material heterogeneity”, concerning the possibility of using other tools of scientific communication (e.g. art), excess, with which the naturally “austere and moderate” social sciences cannot cope (in contrast to love or ecstasy), specificity – the tendency to universalise (rather than situating) knowledge, formlessness (Western researchers tend to seek forms), and the performativity of knowledge. For Law, an example of an alternative way of knowing to academic ones is the baroque. It is worth considering what strategies of differentiation are developed by the laboratorial mode of knowing and what is lost sight of.
Another typology of ways of knowing is proposed by John V. Pickstone, who distinguishes interpreting meanings (hermeneutics), describing and classifying (natural history), dismantling into smaller parts (analysis), and synthesising (experimentalism). According to Pickstone, these constitute a complex set, occurring simultaneously albeit with varying intensity – for example analysis was dominant in the first half of the nineteenth century, then experimentalism in the second half. Interestingly, they are transposed between natural sciences and humanities, which means that the relations between them can be viewed not in terms of epigonism, but mutual transfers. Pickstone offers as an example of such interactions Hippolyte Taine’s theory of art and its connection to Cuvier’s analyses, or the relations between linguistics and analytical science (such as chemistry).35 He argues that the methods of cooperation developed during seminars at which texts were analysed might have served as a model for German scientific laboratories, while German philological seminars were based on the models of laboratories.36 We can observe similar transfers in the cases of humanities laboratories that we analyse. For example, Aby Warburg’s Mnemosyne Atlas drew from evolutionary psychology. The concept of terrain in anthropology was formed during scientific expeditions. Scholars from the Leipzig School acquired epistemic virtues by practising in psychological laboratories. Claude Lévi-Strauss was fascinated by mathematics, and Juri Lotman borrowed analogies from cybernetics and research on the functioning of the brain.
Despite the current popularity of the laboratory in its various forms in the humanities, the history of humanities labs is yet to be the subject of detailed studies. Existing surveys mainly focus on media laboratories and do not delve further back than the 1980s.37 An exception is Alexandra A. Argamakova’s article, although this is not so much about a humanities laboratory as a “humanitarian” one, understood as a “social network and interactive venue for collective cognition, skilled communications, and practical problem-solving”.38 The author particularly emphasises the social dimension of its operation, the practical results, and the role it plays in development of society. She suggests as the “prototype” of this kind of laboratory churches, religious associations, statistical offices, scientific societies, intellectual clubs, salons, or political circles. Their social impact involves collection and explanation of data, producing political and economic expert reports, forecasting the future, modelling the past, finding the communications and psychological techniques used in management and politics, public discourse analysis, understanding cultural phenomena, elucidation and dissemination of knowledge. Although this praxeological dimension is not insignificant to us, in this book we do not confine ourselves to this aspect.
From our point of view, the humanities laboratory constitutes a prism through which one can observe the history of the humanities. In this sense, our project occupies a place in the increasingly popular field of history of the humanities.39 The collected texts demonstrate that since the end of the nineteenth century, a laboratorial lineage has developed in the humanities, although it is difficult to identify a single progenitor.40 Rather than a family tree where it is clear who is whose ancestor, its form is more that of a rhizome. Interestingly, while some of our case studies concern luminaries of the humanities (e.g. Lévi-Strauss, Lotman, Otlet and Warburg), they are not identified with the laboratory mode. By highlighting this aspect, we not only shine new light on their scientific activity, but are also able to trace the similarities and differences between them.
Apart from the historical aspect, the geography of knowledge and its situation are also important for us. Although a laboratory can give the impression of a “placeless place”, as David N. Livingstone put it, the spatial dimension of science should also be taken into account.41 Among its manifestations are the unequal ways of distributing knowledge between “centres” and “peripheries” or building scientific authority and seeking recognition by citing the works of researchers from the “centre”, which Dipesh Chakrabarty calls “cultural cringe”.42 While working on the book, we realised that we prefer to cite the works of Foucault or Latour, and not, for example, to the ideas of Ludwik Fleck and his “thought collective”,43 to whom Kuhn was indebted, with his intellectual debt being paid post factum by Latour.44
Among the symptoms of our own “semi-peripheral situation” are the recurrent dilemmas concerning the literature we cite (the lack of translations of key texts for us into English results in erasure of local traditions and adapting to disciplinary divisions (Polish cultural studies has different genealogies to its English counterpart, yet its locality is lost in translation).45 This problem of “asymmetrical translations”46 is an echo of Chakrabarty’s telling quotation about the differences between the obligations of historians of Europe and those of the “Third World”. Taking as case studies Jerzy Grotowski’s Laboratory Theatre and Juri Lotman’s Laboratory of History and Semiotics was a move designed to decentralise the circulation of knowledge and examine “semi-peripheries” on a map dominated by the “science of the centre”.47
The concept of a humanities laboratory demand not only “provincialisation”, but also general critique undertaken from postcolonial positions. When designing its contemporary form, one should not forget the role played by scientific laboratories in the context of colonialism and genocide. As Helen Tilley shows, Western European scientists treated Africa as “a living laboratory”.48 Scientific research in various disciplines (e.g. anthropology, botany, epidemiology, geography, medicine) in European laboratories was closely linked to the fieldwork taking place in colonies. Dibyadyuti Roy and Maya Dodd note that laboratories were associated with a history of violence and should thus be treated as “with substantial doses of suspicion”.49 Owing to the history of colonial relations, contemporary digital humanities laboratories in India differ from those in the Global North in terms of infrastructure and face different problems (e.g. multilingualism). Also today, as Wershler, Emerson and Parikka point out in their critical analyses of the operation of the MIT Media Lab (a renowned institution, founded in 1985 and still operating today), laboratories can be a place promoting “digital colonialism”.50
In designing a contemporary form of the humanities laboratory, an important role for us was played by the research, teaching and artistic projects conducted in the Contemporary Humanities Lab, which aimed to test the laboratorial mode of knowing. During their implementation, we found several elements linking them – their experimental nature, situational aspect, collectivity and openness (disciplinary, institutional, generational), manifested in the involvement of students in our activities as well as forming relations with partner institutions. The first activity – Medienkamera (2019) – took the form of an exhibition taking place as a result of the course “Ideas of contemporary humanities”, which involved arranging a media cabinet of curiosities in a room at the University of Wrocław’s Institute of Cultural Studies. Its objective was to reflect on the concepts of “old” and “new” technologies and on academic infrastructure.51 The second project – Museum of the Anthropocene (2019–2022) – took place as part of a specialist seminar in conjunction with the Museum of Natural History at the University of Wrocław and Wrocław Contemporary Museum. Its aims were to reflect on the mission of a natural history museum in the light of climate change as well as trying to build a bridge between science, art and humanities. The result was an exhibition in the form of an intervention at which students’ projects were presented.52 The third activity – COLLECTIVE (2022–2023) – took place as part of “Contemporary laboratory” course in conjunction with BWA Wrocław. A reading of Latour’s Politics of Nature as well as Sue Donaldson and Will Kymlicka’s A Political Theory of Animal Rights provided the inspiration for staging and recording the collective’s meeting debating the question of granting Wrocław’s pigeons resident status in the space of the city’s main railway station. This resulted in a film in which students took on the role of spokespersons with the task of presenting the positions of entities they selected (pigeons, rats, Polish State Railways, passengers, the city, enviromental activists).53 These activities served as a testing ground allowing us to form our own identity. They also allowed us to observe that we were interested in problems eluding disciplinary boundaries. Furthermore, they enabled us to practise cooperation both engaging students and by building alliances within the university and outside of it.
While working on the project, we were also accompanied by Maciej Bączyk, an artist who – inspired by Aby Warburg's atlas method – created a visual story about the laboratory in the humanities in the form of a fanzine from illustrations collected by our team.

Figure 1. Medienkamera, photo: Jacek Małczyński

Figure 2. Medienkamera, photo: Jacek Małczyński

Figure 3. Museum of the Anthropocene, photo: Julia Koprowska

Figure 4. Museum of the Anthropocene, photo: Julia Koprowska

Figure 5. COLLECTIVE, photo: Jacek Małczyński

Figure 6. COLLECTIVE, photo: Jacek Małczyński
How we researched humanities laboratories: reassembling Latour with Foucault
In our research on the humanities laboratory, we interweave two perspectives: archaeology of knowledge and the ethnography of the laboratory.54 The main merit of the former is the historicisation of knowledge. Its general format is laid out by Foucault in The Order of Things. In his “archaeology of the human sciences”, providing an alternative proposal to the history of science and thought, Foucault attempted to define the “historical a priori” constituting knowledge.55 The archaeology seeks to examine that “which makes possible both knowledge itself and the mode of being of what is to be known”.56 This “positive unconscious of knowledge”,57 known as episteme, marks the boundaries of knowledge, the rules of rationality and the principles of truthfulness, specifying the ways of perceiving, classifying and representing reality. The main task of the archaeology of knowledge was to investigate the history of the human sciences on account of their characteristic “immaturity”, expressed in their constant delay and perpetual underdevelopment.58 Historians of science were mainly concerned with the “noble sciences” (mathematics, cosmology or physics). Yet empirical disciplines studying living beings also have their own “codes of knowledge”.59
Foucault was interested in the reconfigurations in the field of knowledge that had led to the emergence of the human sciences in the nineteenth century. This was a time of the collapse and “redistribution of the episteme”, when the idea of the mathesis gave way to the birth of the human sciences.60 According to Foucault, “from the nineteenth century, the epistemological field became fragmented”, with “the appearance of man and the constitution of the human sciences […] correlated to a sort of ‘de-mathematicization’”.61 This period is particularly important from our perspective, as in the late nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century we observe the appearance of a few of the cases of humanities laboratories that we analyse. The forging in anthropology of a concept of terrain based on the laboratorial mode of knowing, the work of the Leipzig School, and the activity of Aby Warburg and Paul Otlet, all came in this key period for the formation of the human sciences.
Foucault imagined the new configuration of knowledge that took place in the nineteenth century as the untypical geometrical figure of the trihedron.62 Its walls are formed by: (1) formal science (mathematics, physics), which is deductive and characterised by a high level of formalisation, (2) empirical science (linguistics, biology, economy), and (3) philosophy. The human sciences (in which Foucault includes psychology, sociology, ethnology, history, literary studies and myths, and psychoanalysis) drift in a space spreading between these three walls, representing a danger for their neighbours. This is related to the “anthropologisation” (or sociologisation, psychologisation or historicisation) of knowledge – which other fields try to avoid. Foucault was aware that the “anthropologisation” of knowledge is a threat and “the ‘human sciences’ are dangerous intermediaries in the space of knowledge”,63 as they undermine the foundations on which the trihedron lies. They are distinguished by a “transcendental mobility” that ensures that they are “constantly demystifying themselves: to make the transition from an immediate and non-controlled evidence to less transparent but more fundamental”.64 This “quasi-transcendental process”, manifested in continual reflection, is their differentia specifica.
Foucault concludes The Order of Things with his celebrated thesis of the “death of man”. His meticulous analyses do not go beyond the mid-twentieth century. This was when a “historical gradient” became visible in the life of the human sciences. Foucault sensed that the modern episteme he was describing, in which field the human sciences emerged, was declining under the influence of the expansion of language.65 From today’s perspective, in the context of post-humanism, with the relations between disciplines being renegotiated, intuitions about the “death of man” are acquiring a new significance. Is the laboratorisation of the humanities not a sign of new reconfigurations in the field of knowledge, reshuffling of disciplinary divisions, and emergence of new forms of episteme, with the “trihedron” replaced by a new form? Or perhaps this is just a superficial change? For Foucault, in institutional terms, Renaissance spectacles, modern botanic gardens, natural history collections or taxonomic tables were “the inevitable correlatives” of knowledge and their episteme.66 Does the laboratory today not play a similar role, as a correlate of a certain way of knowing?
The archaeological method lays down various challenges to the researcher, which Foucault wrote about instructively. The archaeologist of knowledge should distinguish “folds”, movements on the surface (e.g. “the appearance of new forms in scientific discourse” or “a redistribution of opinions and judgements”67) from more fundamental ones, separating continuity from quasi-continuity, as well as avoiding a presentist approach (manifested, for example, in writing about the economy rather than the analysis of wealth in the times of Classicism) and not concentrating on reproducing the problems or debates regarded as key to the style of thought of a given period. We have doubts regarding whether our work in a “laboratised” field of knowledge, asking about the epistemic status of the humanities laboratory, does not betray Foucault. The archaeology of knowledge therefore exposes discontinuities, seeking to break with the illusion of continuity, which in the history of science and ideas is sustained by concepts such as tradition, the spirit of the age, mentality, development, teleology, and impact. Foucault, interested in the “unconscious” aspect of knowledge – as Ian Hacking notes – also seeks to erase the importance of authorial instance, avoiding writing history from the perspective of great names.68
What we have in common with Foucault is adopting an “ana-”, or rather “hypo-epistemological”69 perspective, underlining the reflexivity and reflectiveness of the humanities. In this sense, we are pursuing “human sciences of human sciences”.70 Like Foucault, we are also within the episteme of Western culture, although it would also be interesting to examine other, non-Western cases of humanities laboratories.71
A separate question is the extent to which Foucault’s later works grow out of his own laboratory experiments. Before receiving his diploma in psychopathology in 1952, he participated in “case demonstrations” at the Sainte-Anne hospital in Paris, regarded at the time as a “sanctuary of experimental psychology”. It was also this time that he befriended Jacqueline Verdeaux, who worked at the electroencephalography laboratory there. Foucault also accompanied Verdeaux in testing prisoners at Fresnes, near Paris. His later interest in the history of the hospital and prison – which, analysing Jeremy Bentham’s panopticon design, he called “the laboratory of power” – can be interpreted as an echo of these “experiments”.72 During his practices, Foucault not only helped to conduct experiments, but also underwent them himself. He even considered establishing his own psychology laboratory at the École Normale Supérieure. According to Didier Eribon, the internship at the hospital was a kind of “field research” for Foucault.73 This early stage of his research is often overlooked as a false start, and yet, as Elisabetta Basso shows, this laboratorial episode shaped his later interests.74
Who is imitating whom?
When discussing the question of laboratories, we cannot ignore the conceptual debt owed by Latour, who – alongside Knorr-Cetina, Trevor Pinch, Sharon Traweek, Michael Lynch and Harry Collins – created the ethnography of the laboratory.75 His book Laboratory Life, co-authored with Steve Woolgar, which is a report on research conducted at the neuroendrocrinology laboratory at the Salk Institute for Biological Studies, is assigned major significance in bringing about a transformation in science studies, particularly discerning its social aspect and material base. Latour combines meticulous empirical analyses with bold deductions of a meta-scientific nature. His works elucidate laboratories’ working methods and the reasons for their spectacular social success. As time passes, various aspects of them are explored in his research, and the concept of the laboratory itself changes. Henning Schmidgen even argues that Laboratory Life, published in 1979, played a comparably revolutionary role to The Structure of Scientific Revolutions by Thomas Kuhn,76 whose research on theoretical physics revealed the epistemic importance of the historical and social dimension of science and challenged the model of its cumulative and linear development.
What distinguished Latour’s approach, and what made it groundbreaking? The basis of Latour’s model was not physics, but biology, with all the complication and expansiveness of its key category of life, conceived in processual terms. Life also appears here in another form – that of “everyday” and “human” life, operationalised anthropologically by authors including one important for Latour, Michel de Certeau. Salk, examining what Latour actually did in his institute, asserted that he simply described laboratory life, meaning the everyday life of scientists. He demystified it – saying that this was sometimes painful, but at the same time necessary and socially useful – and so Salk, whatever his reservations about the portrayal of his work, suggested that every laboratory should have its own “in-house philosopher or sociologist”.77
A review of Latour’s major publications, from Laboratory Life to Reassembling the Social, leads to the conclusion that his understanding of the laboratory underwent certain modifications, with the topic appearing in his works increasingly seldom in his later years. Particularly significant from our point of view is Latour’s question about the equivalence of the working methods of naturalists and social scientists, which bothered him as early as during his fieldwork at Salk’s institute. Reflecting on the similarity between the methods of the observer (ethnographer) and his informers (scientists), Latour and Woolgar write, “it is not clear who was imitating whom. Were the scientists imitating the observer, or vice versa?”. They go on to argue, “These similarities make it difficult to maintain that there is any fundamental difference between the methods of ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ science”.78 While one could draw from Laboratory Life the conclusion – then seen as extremely controversial, and today by no means obvious to all – that hard scientists work like humanities scholars, the argument appears in Reassembling the Social that a text in the humanities is “the functional equivalent of a laboratory”,79 and thus humanities scholars work like hard scientists. This parallel – regardless of how we configure the elements of the comparison – is possible because Latour focuses on records, inscription devices and creating academic texts as the crux of laboratory work. Schmidgen, having studied his intellectual path, explains that the concentration on inscriptions (borrowed from Derrida) and transmission of meanings marks a continuation of his earlier interest in biblical exegesis, the works of Rudolf Bultmann and analysis of the writings of Charles Péguy.80
In Laboratory Life, Latour and Woolgar define a laboratory as “a hive of writing activity” and “a system of literary inscription”.81 Observing the everyday activities of the scientists and technicians working in Roger Guillemin’s laboratory and studying the spatial division of the lab into the office (writing) and workshop (bench) parts, the ethnographer/observer (a textual figure that Latour and Woolgar seemingly introduced to confuse the reader or to hide the fact that only Latour spent two years in the field) finds that although there is no fundamental difference between his cognitive procedures and the actions of his informers, they differ greatly in terms of resources and investment. This is reflected in the credibility and solidity of the claims they construct (although there is no difference in the actual sources of this credibility – the ethnographer’s description is neither better nor worse than the descriptions created by the scientists themselves). As Latour admits, “The only difference is that they have a laboratory. We, on the other hand, have a text”.82 It is a matter of debate whether the later argument about the textual equivalent of the laboratory (“It’s a place for trials, experiments, and simulations”83) is expressed more emphatically, or is an echo of the same convictions.
A similar problem appears in Pandora’s Hope in a chapter about a field laboratory (this time dispersed and mobile), whose protagonists are pedologists and botanists studying the Amazon rainforest. Latour is again an observer here, setting off on a study expedition with the naturalists and asking, “how does my way of talking about this photomontage differ from the manner in which my informants speak of their soil?”84 Latour introduces the idea of the “circulating reference” (and the “deambulatory” concept of knowledge contrasted with its traditional, “saltationist’s” version, a model of knowing applying not only to science). Yet he is clearly aware of the differences between his own text and the reports of the soil specialists he is studying; he writes of a different “sort of references” and the impossibility of tracing the intermediary steps.85 So does a humanities (textual) laboratory not have a similar power to a natural history one? And do we even need such confrontations? Would it not be better to let go of the “redemptive handrail” of Latour’s theory?
Thinking of a laboratory in terms of strength is most clearly visible in a text on Louis Pasteur. Latour maintains here that laboratories are obsessively focused on records, operate in an agonistic field, and through modalisations turn arguments into scientific facts. Yet a new element also appears, which would in fact be consolidated in later reception and dominate thinking about the laboratory in science and technology studies. Based on an analysis of the process leading to Pasteur’s discovery of the anthrax vaccine, Latour shows that a laboratory is primarily “a technological device to gain strength by multiplying mistakes”.86 This construction has a certain kind of topology, removing the differences between the micro- and macroscale, between what is inside and outside of the laboratory. To be effective (form credible theories and tools, gain the interest of public opinion and grant-giving bodies), a laboratory must reach beyond its walls – transform its environment and build the tracks along which scientific facts travel.87
For our investigation of the humanities laboratory, Latour’s vision was one of the main sources of inspiration from the outset. Reading his assertions regarding natural science laboratories, we wondered whether there is a sensible way of – to use Latour’s language – translating them to the realm of the humanities. Can the methods and tools developed within science and technology studies be used for a task of an auto-ethnographic nature and explain the phenomenon of humanities laboratories?88 We were mindful that, when invoking the working models of natural scientists, we must be careful as their extrapolation or simple application could undermine the humanities laboratory research project, founded on the premise that it does not copy its scientific equivalent. While transposing this approach to the humanities is problematic for several reasons, it remains an important point of reference to us, allowing us to recognise the dimension of the materiality of thinking and research work (the significance of infrastructure and non-human factors), which for many humanities scholars is still unclear. Latour’s emphasis on inscriptions and recording devices, on scientists’ texts and writing techniques, and basing the model of scientific practice on exegetic activity, all contribute to the fact that this vision of the laboratory can be applied to humanities. Furthermore, although we are not pursuing an intensive laboratory ethnography like Latour, we test specific cases and are interested in material laboratory systems and practices. While we are investigating the humanities laboratory as a mode of knowing, we are also looking at it in terms of tools, spaces, forms of realisation, not treating it as a specific type of rationality. We are therefore not speaking in a similar voice to that of theory-centric epistemologists of science, focusing on its internal development, from whom Latour dissociates himself.89 Latour’s idea of the laboratory as a space of trial and error is also inspiring. Is the humanities lab a similar space of methodical erring? How do the errors made by humanities scholars and natural scientists differ? Are they exclusively epistemic, or also ethical? We do not find the answers to these questions in Latour’s work.
An important role in Latour’s thinking about the laboratory is played by leverage, used for changing the scale and balance of power.90 Being able to shift the levers from a weak to a strong position means making changes in the natural and social order. Do the humanities have such a possibility? This question becomes more significant in the context of the contemporary demands of the humanities to have “social impact”. We still know little about how knowledge of the humanities circulates, despite attempts to track its “social circulation”.91 The externalisation of the laboratory (which does not happen automatically, but is the result of hard scientific work: producing and layering a succession of inscriptions representing the moments of multiple shifts) leads to the laboratorisation of the world.92 The change of reality (of the social and natural order, which, as we know, for Latour are only separate by convention), moving the Archimedean lever, is therefore a desirable objective of the work of laboratories. While the ivory towers of academia and the humanities scholars often locked in them might be reminiscent of the spaces of methodical trial and error – though here too we must take into account “engaged” research – it is harder to imagine other elements of the Latourian concept embodied in humanities laboratories.
Firstly, we might ask sceptically whether the humanities have a similar lever in their arsenal. If not, then is the result of the reference to Latour’s concept not self-deprecation and perpetuating the image of the defective humanities – still falling short of the vision of the scientific laboratory, which ably manipulates the scale and more solidly consolidates its cognitive effects?
Details
- Pages
- 386
- Publication Year
- 2025
- ISBN (PDF)
- 9783631921081
- ISBN (ePUB)
- 9783631935828
- ISBN (Hardcover)
- 9783631921074
- DOI
- 10.3726/b22776
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- English
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- 2025 (October)
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- humanities laboratory history of the humanities posthumanities digital humanities collaboration experiments infrastructure
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- Berlin, Bruxelles, Chennai, Lausanne, New York, Oxford, 2025. 386 pp., 16 fig. col., 2 fig. b/w.
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