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Hispanic (LGT) Masculinities in Transition


Edited By Rafael M. Mérida-Jiménez

The objective of Hispanic (LGT) Masculinities in Transition is to investigate the cultural representations/intersections of masculinity and sexual minorities (lesbians, gays, and transgenders) in Spain between the passing of the Law of Social Dangerousness and Social Rehabilitation (1970) and the reform of the Penal Code in 1995. In order to meet this aim, this volume analyzes the artistic production of a number of Spanish and Latin American male and female individuals who, first, were able to question the structures of control and domination in Spain in the last years of Franco’s dictatorship; second, were able to open up new horizons of freedom in the context of the criminalization of the previous decades; and, third, were able to bring about new models of masculinity that were more egalitarian during the first years of the new democracy.
More specifically, Hispanic (LGT) Masculinities in Transition will interlink the fields of political and historical change and artistic production in order to assess whether cultural representations can be understood as mere reflections of social and political change. In terms of the materials being examined, these are, in the first instance, literary, although other narratives are also addressed (filmic production and plastic arts). This volume is essential reading for professors and students of contemporary Spanish history and culture, as well as for those interested in lesbian, gay, transgender, and masculinity issues.
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2—Butches Excluded: Female Masculinities and Their (non) Representations in Spain


By allowing ourselves to be portrayed as the good deviant, the respectable deviant, we lose more than we will ever gain. We lose the complexity of our lives, and we lose what for me has been a lifelong lesson: you do not betray your comrades when the scapegoating begins.

Joan Nestlé, A Restricted Country, 123.

What place does the butch occupy in the history of our feminisms, in its commemorative archives?1

valeria flores, Interruqciones, 204.

During the last decades, research has analyzed and documented a diversity of masculinities which emerge in specific contexts (Connell 1995, Connell & Messerschmidt 2005, Cortés 2001).2 In her pioneer work Masculinities (1995), the sociologist Raewyn Connell argued that there are many different masculinities, each associated with different positions of power. Furthermore, that power relations of gender operate between groups of men as well as between men and women (and among women too). Masculinities are “configurations of practices that are accomplished in social interaction and, therefore, can differ according to the gender relations in a particular social setting” (Connell & Messerschmidt 836). Despite this multiplicity, masculinities do not align all at the same level, as we know, but they form into a hierarchy. Occupying the highest position is what Connell called hegemonic masculinity: “the configuration of gender practice which embodies the currently accepted answer to the problem of the legitimacy of patriarchy, which guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the dominant position of men and...

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