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Phonology, its Faces and Interfaces


Jolanta Szpyra-Kozłowska and Eugeniusz Cyran

The papers collected in this volume examine selected aspects of the interaction of phonology with phonetics, morphosyntax and the lexicon in a variety of languages including Korean, Spanish, Brazilian Portuguese, British English, Polish, Russian, Ukrainian, Dutch and Hawaiian. In order to approach the role and ways of expressing extraphonological information in phonology, the international contributors adopt different methods of analysis (data gathering, experiments, theoretical discussions), couched in various theoretical frameworks (such as Optimality Theory and Government Phonology), which reveal both the multifarious faces and interfaces of modern phonological research.

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Stress shift across empty categories in Brazilian Portuguese: Experimental results (Raquel Santana Santos)


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Raquel Santana Santos

Stress shift across empty categories in Brazilian Portuguese: Experimental results*

It has been generally assumed that prosodic parsing does not take empty syntactic categories into account (e.g. Nespor and Vogel 1986/2007). However, many studies on specific syntactic categories point to a different scenario. Santos (2003) and Nunes and Santos (2009), for instance, have argued that in Brazilian Portuguese, speakers allow stress shift when there is a trace between a verb and an adverb, but not when the empty category is a pro. Building on these works, I carried out a production experiment involving Brazilian Portuguese and the findings revealed a puzzling pattern. On the one hand, there was no significant difference between pro and traces. On the other hand, the sentences presented a different pattern depending on whether or not there was an empty category in the context. Rather than contradicting Santos (2003) and Nunes and Santos’s (2009) findings, I argue that these results can attributed to the optional nature of stress shift in Brazilian Portuguese and the different tasks involved in the aforementioned studies.

1.  Introduction

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