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Hope for the Suffering Ecosystems of Our Planet

The Contextualization of Christological Perichoresis for the Ecological Crisis

Iohanna Sahinidou

The author reclaims the patristic Christological use of perichoresis by showing how in bringing together different entities, such as God and Nature in unity as the one person of Christ, we can acknowledge the perichoresis between divine human and nature. Christological perichoresis supports the idea that the whole creation is included in God’s recreated cosmos, in response to the redeeming power of Christ who entered the web of life as a creature. Trinitarian relationships bear a Christological message for intentional openness towards the «other». Thus ecofeminism can be considered from a Christian view, realizing Christ’s «cosmic» role in the salvation of the entire cosmos.
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Chapter One

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Chapter One

Is there Hope for my City of Athens?

The Ecological Problem

All earthly beings are grounded; even if they travel, they stop in a specific place to build their nest, eat, and feed their offspring, sleep.1 These fundamentals form the fabric of our lives, structure our memories, and determine our attitudes.2 At the same time, suffering and destruction are intimately associated with existence itself.3 The story of the cosmos is one of majesty as well as of disruption. Disasters are present at every level of existence: the elemental, geological, organic, cosmic and human. Disruption marks every cosmic era, whether we speak of a fireball, a galactic emergence, or the formation of the planet earth. Yet we may see in this very maelstrom, the presence of an emerging future beauty. The catastrophe at the end of the Mesozoic era was overcome by the richness of life on the planet earth that surpassed that of any previous era.4

Today, earth faces an environmental crisis that threatens the life of the planet. The atmosphere is polluted; the forests that generate the oxygen that all earthy beings need to survive are being depleted. Salt and pesticides poison the fertile soils that provide food. Waste and chemicals pollute waters that are home to organisms essential to life; global warming is becoming a frightening threat. The future of life appears threatened.5 The planet earth is struggling against unprecedented assaults ← 15 | 16 → of population explosion, industrial growth, technological manipulation, and military proliferation. The basic elements that sustain life such as sufficient, clean water, clean air and arable land, are at risk. The crisis has many irreversible economic, political, ecological and social dimensions, compounding the world’s most perplexing socioeconomic problems. By formulating plans to deal with the large-scale problems, we lay the foundations for peace and justice. However if we do not address these problems, we would be courting disaster.6 Humans think they are the rulers of the cosmos and treat earth and its beings as ‘objects’ to exploit.7 Disaster and recovery as part of the natural phenomena is different than disaster caused by human intervention; for human-caused disaster, recovery may be impossible and irreversible.

As the ecological problem of our planet becomes catastrophic, ecotheologians, feminist and ecofeminist theologians respond by evaluating the Christian traditions, mandates, and attitudes that perhaps contributed to the eco-crisis in the first place. They discern and reclaim the values of wonder and awe towards the earth and its beings. We received the blessing of a healthy world and an abundance of life. We must pass on this heritage intact to the next generations of human or non human beings.8 Yet there is no place on our planet untouched by humans. Even problems as universal as climate change, are localized in a specific place, time, context. In every generation, every community exists in its own specific context: historical, geographical, social, ecological that shapes its faith, practices, theology, and its worldview.

Athens, my own city, and capital of Greece, suffers from great eco-social problems. In this first chapter, I review the social and environmental history and the current situation of Athens, with regards to women and the land.

My Personal Religious Journey

Is this section, I present my growing engagement with theological issues concerning the environment and women? I decided to complete a theological thesis ← 16 | 17 → while doing volunteer work with church women. I began to consider how in our wider οίκος-the cosmos, humans are one species among many other species, and women constitute almost one-half of humanity. Yet the domination of a group of people over other groups could be known as a social dimension of exploitation of our οίκος-planet earth and our wider οίκος-the cosmos. We speak of the ‘domination of nature including the oppression of women and of other subordinated groups of people’.9 An analysis of the theological constructs that justify the oppression of women and nature view10 the oppression of women as part of nature’s exploitation. In the first chapter, I try to explain my broad view, aware of the complexity of issues such as ‘domination’ and ‘exploitation.’ I will examine these issues with proof in the following chapters, but in this first chapter I am presenting my perspective. I ask for the indulgence of the reader, acknowledging that I discuss the issues without supporting them at this moment, as I explain my own trajectory.

My feminism began to develop in 1984 after attending a meeting of the Ecumenical Forum of European Christian Women (EFECW) in the Netherlands. It was there where women demanded that all jobs be considered as creditable, whether or not paid, voluntary, domestic, public or private.11 From 1995 to 2000, I did foundational work in Athens to create an ecumenical group of women as National Coordinator of EFECW, which tries to strengthen the ecumenical women’s network, to support women in their search for a common European identity, to link them together in the liberating biblical message, and to call for action.12 Its goals will be fulfilled if we accept the ‘other,’ respecting her differences, and if instead of building walls, we build bridges to reach the others.

In the European Society of Women in Theological Research, I met female theologians and church women, devoted to the re-thinking of theology and human sciences from a feminist view. As a result, I became the contact person with the Department of Partnership of Women and Men of the World Community of Reformed Churches. A challenging experience was my participation as an international guest in the Women’s Gathering of the Presbyterian Church of USA ← 17 | 18 → in the summer of 1997. Dr Jane Douglas, then President of WCRC,13 gave an address that was on Christ’s mother, who after her encounter with the angel and troubled by his words, hurried to share her experiences with Elizabeth, the expectant mother of John the Baptist. Forsaking her home, relatives, friends, and fiancée, Mary made this long, dangerous trip, as she was alone and pregnant. During their meeting, Elizabeth made a Christological confession calling Mary, her Lord’s mother and Mary gave a speech full of proclamation.14 Those women uttered prophetic words for realities they experienced in their own beings. Douglas said to us that women need to cultivate solidarity in order to be released from what society imposes on us as cultural expectations and behaviour, so that the prophetic voice of women may be freely articulated. She ended her speech with the words: ‘All women need our own Elizabeth.’15 Following Douglas, an African American university professor gave a speech on racism. She discovered that her child was repeating racism learned in school as well as her parents’ racism against whites. She went on to describe how her daughter’s problem became an opportunity for the family to address the issue of reconciliation.16 Granting justice to those to whom we owe it, is a legal obligation. Repenting for sins we committed against others is to grant justice to them. To forgive those who exploit us is the core of the biblical message.

Since 2001, I have represented the Greek Evangelical Church in the European Christian Environmental Network (ECEN). From its inauguration in 1998, it is enabling the European churches and Christian groups involved in environmental work to share information and common experiences; engage in a broad range of ecological work; and encourage each other to be a united witness to caring for God’s creation. It is through my work in the church and my involvement with ecumenical European women’s groups concerned about the environment that I came to write this theological thesis.

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An Analysis of Athenian History from an Ecofeminist Perspective

I briefly present the history of Athens from an ecofeminist view.17 I discuss the Athenian environment from within the social dimensions of human life and history, as they are interrelated and also because humans are those who exploit the ecosystems. The theme of my thesis is open and wide; I will always have to choose what issue I open up, and what not.

The Athenian Landscape

The geographic location of Athens is unique, and the surrounding landscape special. Mountains enclose the Attica basin, while its southern aspect is open to the sea. The climate is compelling; most of the days are sunny. Attica is known as treeless; yet there are forests of fir, pine trees as well as areas of aromatic shrubs, of Mediterranean Mackie that occur on the lower slopes of mountains bordering the Mediterranean Sea, and thriving in areas where the soil is thin or rocky. Phrygana characterise the Mediterranean ecosystems as the result of forest degradation. They grow on poor and rocky limestone, or in areas repeatedly burnt by fires.18 The Kesariani forest on the slopes of Mount Hymettus is made up of a species of conifers that resulted from reforestation. Within the forest boundaries, two natural springs still exist.19 In Attica, despite the physical challenges of the landscape, thousands of different species exist, some of them not found elsewhere. Some believe that protection came late. A vivacious species used to grow only on the Acropolis rock; however, it has not been seen for a hundred years.20

Pre-historic Athens and Attica

Earthquakes and a receding sea formed Attica. Natural forces shaped the landscape and favoured the location of the ancient city of Athens. Plato described Attica’s prehistoric landscape as consisting of mountains covered with soil, an abundance ← 19 | 20 → of trees, fertile plains and pastures supporting many forms of husbandry. Over time, flooding and erosion stripped the soil from the hills. Plato refers to natural disasters. But perhaps part of Attica was denuded, by human intervention.21

Athena was the Protector goddess of Athens, daughter of Zeus, king of the Olympian gods. Zeus swallowed his wife Mitis, a goddess of wisdom and prudence while pregnant with Athena, trying to minimize her power, not to be inherited by their children. Zeus gave birth to Athena through his head. Athena is depicted wearing a helmet and holding a spear and shield. We can see Athena from a feminist view as the symbol of a woman-warrior working for peace via war. She was wise like her mother, but inherited the ruling mind of her father. Philosopher Anaxagoras extended the works of Mind into a cosmic governing principle, immanent to the entire cosmos. Anaxagoras’ ‘mind’22 in my view is met in Zeus’ ruling mind that Athena inherited from her father; yet she was ‘ruled’ by her father. Later on, according to Aristotle, mind and reason rule human desires.23 Mitis lost her freedom existing within her husband as part of him.24 The father of the gods has internalized the female nature to some extent. I can discern in the Greek myths related to Athena, traces of the idea of domination of the mind over the senses and that men were thought to be superior to women because of their naturally ruling mind.

For thousands of years, olive trees were a main source for Athenians to earn their living. Olives were also a staple in the Athenian diet. The olive tree becomes the symbol of Athena who planted an olive tree to claim the land.25 In Greek mythology, King Theseus centralized the government of Attica at Athens, which passed through the phases of development representing the political evolution of the Greek city-state. The process of the transition from areas full of villages to the classic city-states during the 6th century BC appears in the myths of Athena as a gathering of her worshippers who absorbed the Athenian surrounding communities.26

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Classic Athenian Democracy: a kind of Μale Αristocracy

According to Aristotle, (384–322 B.C.) the private or family property was only what was needed and could be stored for the life of the household and the city. Cities originate in villages that join together for the basic needs of life, the common pursuit of justice and a good life, thus making a community. The desire for community is basic to human nature; to live outside the community means to live an unnatural life. The city as community27 offers the framework for learning the laws of the city without which humans are the most savage of animals.28 In addition, the citizens had to study philosophy29 and exercise rationality. Yet both the Athenian achievements and the background to Aristotle’s philosophizing, depended on cruel treatment of slaves and on the homemaking of women, who were not considered as citizens.30 Community as a line of building blocks starts with the family, supplying everyday needs.31 The agora, an open space at the heart of the city, became a political, religious, social and economic focal point, from which slaves, women, and strangers were excluded.32 Thus Athenian democracy created a system of discrimination against the poor and among communities of different classes.

Gradually the Athenian state transitioned from agriculture to commerce as the basis of their national economy; this led to the emergence of a class of wealthy merchants. Around 594 BC Solon, a merchant, became an elected official or archon.33 Later on the social and political units, whose cohesion was based on locality took the place of units held together by bonds of kinship; they no longer shared worship of divine ancestors but of national heroes.34 Pericles’ law in 451 B.C. restricted the citizenship to people of Athenian parentage on both sides. Initially, the election of archons was done by throwing of lots, but after 487 B.C. formal elections were held. Democracy in Athens was a kind of aristocracy. The citizens of the surrounding ← 21 | 22 → Attica were slaves and an equal number of metics.35 People worshiped their gods in caves, fields, mountaintops, springs, and hillsides, stones, by erecting temples or altars. Acropolis was a fortified citadel, home for religious buildings, such as the temple to Athena.36

According to Anaxagoras, the infinite, self-ruled mind began to evolve from a small beginning; the revolution extended over a larger still.37 This idea gained a political meaning: if Greece might govern the barbarians, one city must be the head of all the others. In that city, one man must be the head of all people. The Athenian democracy was subjugated to ‘the moral dictatorship of genius.’38 In classical Athens, goddesses were symbols of the source and sustenance of life. Women assumed responsibility for agriculture, pottery and weaving. Involved in these vital processes, they must have held religious and social positions in Neolithic societies.39 Solon organized Athens as a male centric society. Women were banished to the house in a division of the public and private, not appearing in public forums for political and cultural life. Hesiod’s Pandora myth makes Zeus’s gift of woman as wife, a punishment for Prometheus’s sin. Pandora brings evil into the world.40 In Aeschylus’ tragedies, Athena casts the deciding vote for the priority of the father over the mother, as her father swallowed her mother.41

The free Greek male citizen establishes his identity by subduing his excluded opposites: the non-Greek, non-male, non-human. Plato and Aristotle’s hierarchical metaphor depicted the female, the alien, and the animal as ‘natural’ inferiors in a ‘chain’ extending from the divine Logos to matter.42 Slavery became the Greek ← 22 | 23 → model of all relationships of dominant Greek males to ‘others.’ The ruling ‘mind’ uses other bodies as ‘tools.’ Greek-male reason and the capacity to rule predominate. Women, slaves, barbarians and animals have no rational capacity, but are servile tools of Greek male sovereignty.43 Femininity is thought to be a natural disability.44 Procreative generative power is appropriated in a male capacity. The female is the passive recipient and ‘incubator’ of the male seed.45 According to Aeschylus,46 proof was the birth of Athena from Zeus’ head. On this belief, ancient Greeks based their view of the relationship between men and women. The medieval viewpoint for several centuries was still an interpretation of Aristotle, for whom it is by its ‘nature’ that anything rules.47 The Greeks questioned the role of women in society. The restriction of women to domesticity and the systematization of poetic and philosophical misogynist thought were catastrophic creations of the Greek classic era.48

The central area of the Athenian basin is now over 30,000 hectares. The ancient town around the Agora was only 200 hectares, yet 50,000 habitants lived there. When the Romans occupied Athens, the hills to the western area of the Acropolis were part of the city. Villas were located there, because of the view and the good climatic conditions.49 During the Roman period, Apostle Paul preached the Christian gospel to the Athenians. His message declared a new Christian reality: of reconciled relations between God and creation; of restoring the relations of men and women, and of people of different nations and races; and of reconciling humanity with nature through Christ.50

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The Greek Language: a Tool in the Early Christian Church

By 476, the western part of the Roman empire collapsed. The eastern empire, an extension of the Roman empire in the middle ages, slipped into a decline culminating in the capture of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453. Due to its Hellenization, Constantinople was known as the Empire of the Greeks, dating from Constantine, the first Christian Roman emperor who issued the Edict of Milan in 313 that proclaimed religious tolerance in the Empire. During its thousand-year span, the empire was a powerful economic, cultural, and military force.51

When Christianity was born, the Roman empire extended from the Euphrates River in the east to the Atlantic Ocean in the west. A network of roads joined even the most remote areas. Travel in the empire was safe for Christian missionaries to spread this new religion. In the 7th century, Emperor Heraclius declared the Greek language as the official language of the Roman Empire.52 Greek theology through the work of the eastern church fathers, reworked the Christian tradition to put it into a local context The grounding of this new religion of God’s love was a credible message to a world of divided societies and unconcerned gods; it informed polytheistic world of one sovereign God.53 Christianity changed from a Jewish into a Greco-Roman religion, a change that was not only in the liturgical, sacramental life of the church and in the structures of its organization but also in its doctrine. Church institutionalisation, stressing conservation as the bulwark of right doctrine, could lead to church and society interpenetrating. As Christianity entered the Greco-Roman world and the schools of philosophy were still open, it changed in scope and character. The church in light of the historical situations occurring during the 3rd-9th centuries reassessed the doctrines of the Trinity and of Christ’s divinity.54

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The Position of Women in the Developing Christian Church

Mary, Jesus’ mother, women saints, empresses of the Byzantine empire, nuns, abbesses, women hymn writers constitute the female presence in eastern church history. The institution of the deaconesses, called ‘right reverends’55 was significant in church life in the first centuries. By the 9th-10th century it was diminished; in the 12th century office of deaconesses was abolished. There is evidence that it continued until the 15th century. Nevertheless, no Orthodox Church has since proceeded to practice of ordaining women deaconesses.56

Until the eleventh century A.D., Athens was developing in the European context where the Christian church was a united church. Although in Byzantine times, the influence of Athens was reduced, the city remained an ecclesiastical centre and the Greek language was used in the early Christian church; Hellenism was the cultural form of ecumenical Christianity. The church’ institutionalization, its biblical exegesis, and ethical teachings supported ideas of women’s inferiority57 influenced to an extent by the dualistic ideas of Plato and Aristotle still influential in medieval times. Men were thought of as logical and powerful, whilst women powerless and illogical. The sins of women were known as springing from their own being; men’s were attributed to powers beyond their control, responding to external temptations. Men were revealing the divine nature of Christ; women his human nature.58 Men respected the maternal features as those of any person of either gender. An abbot as mother expresses the sense of responsibility that men have to nurture men as a mother her child.59 God was depicted in the west as an old man with a white beard; Satan as a blond-haired female snake, in the image of Eve.60 In the east, such paintings were known as of western influence; paintings ← 25 | 26 → showing God as a man were thought to personify the idea of parenthood.61 To depict the Father as a man implies that only one gender represents God.

A new City is Emerging after the Independence from Turkey

During the Turkish occupation of Greece (from the 15th century A.D. until 1453), urban planning was underdeveloped in contrast to central European cities of the 15th century. Travellers to Greece after the 18th century note the absence of flora. In 1830, the London Protocol62 recognised Greece as an independent state; however, Athens was in ruins. In 1833, because of fires, only the stony parts of houses remained. The city started to be re-planned. The Protocol provisioned for the Turks in Athens to sell their properties before leaving the city. Greeks from other cities or abroad were buying these lands. The Acropolis, the archaeological areas and the ancient landscape, were enclosed in the new city, which should have been rebuilt not onto but near the old city, so that development did not damage the ancient landscape.63 Legal directives lead Athens to become a centralized city.64 Most of the houses were built fast and loose with cheap materials, while the rich were building luxurious villas around the city.65 Most of the Athenian houses were rebuilt with stones from the ruins, for lack of financial resources. By 1862, the city covered 3,000,000 m2 with 42,000 inhabitants. With the re-founding of the Metropolis in 1862, the Catholic (1887), the Anglican ← 26 | 27 → (1843) and the Russian churches (1855) were also built.66 In 1871 the First Greek Protestant Church was built in Athens.67

Athens, a humble town in the margins of history during the Turkish occupation, was becoming a modern city. However, it lacked water due to the deforestation of the Attican hills and mountains. Uncontrolled (often illegal) quarrying until the end of the 19th century provided the stones and gravel for rebuilding.68 But by 1900, the construction in Athens and the illegal quarrying were damaging the physical landscape because of deforestation and its consequences. There were attempts at reforestation, but goats were eating the new trees.69 When Greece became independent, civil wars began to break out. The absence of an urban class hindered the emergence of a new class that could challenge the authority of the Greek deputies of the Turkish occupation.70 The cities were not developing as organic industrial centres but rather as commercial, consuming ones. Greece was economically indebted to foreign powers. The relations between rural and urban areas were not based on agricultural and industrial production, but on primary production on the one side and on intermediary and consumerism on the other.

Post Ottoman Greek Attitudes - The Position of Women in Society

At the beginning of the twentieth century, Kallirroi Parren tried to improve the position of poor women by organizing schools and asylums for them. In 1914, public secondary schools for women were founded. In 1927, the Constitution of the Democracy established the equality of Greek citizens before the law. Greek women voted for the first time in the municipal elections of 1934, but without the right to hold elected office.71 The laws of marriage depended on both social and economic bases. A marriage had as a precondition a match showing the role of the father in marriage negotiations. The engagement could occur even if the persons to be ← 27 | 28 → married were infants; also the dowry-negotiations were a required component.72 In Nikiforos Lytras’ painting under the title The Engagement in front of the priest are the children he blessed; on both of his sides were the two families.73

The place of women in Greece was typically defined in terms of their virginity, an issue that became taboo in androcentric societies. The protected virginity of a young girl became her certificate of honesty; her virginity proved that she was not a ‘used object,’ as demonstrated in the custom of displaying the bloody ‘bridal sheet’ the morning after the wedding. If a woman was not found to be a virgin, the marriage was annulled. This custom resulted in discrimination against women until only recently.74 Crimes to ‘regain the honour of a family’ occurred when a man had sexual intercourse with an unmarried woman. A woman would remain stigmatized for the rest of her life. Later those crimes were replaced by crimes of passion and crimes committed by rapists,75 crimes not rooted in cultural prohibitions but on the violent instincts of the victimizer. Further evidence of post Ottoman Greek attitudes can be seen through the writings of three authors who explore ideas that people do not express openly. Often they use hyperboles to impress on the reader that Greeks adopted the oriental values of patriarchal, societal structures.76 The position of women in society was grounded in their physicality with all the social constraints that entails, derived from the societal power games that affect them.77 A network of evil relationships and power games appears in the Dionysius Solomos’ poem, The Woman of Zante, set in the context of the Greek War of Independence.78 The protagonists are a priest-monk (Solomos himself) and the woman in whom Satan is incarnated. The poet depicts the woman79 as hurting others by both words and deeds, and as an enemy ← 28 | 29 → of the nation. She sends away women who revolt against the Turks, whilst she is content for the Turks to provide her with food, slaves and riches. In a patriarchal context she appraises herself as the only virtuous woman in the world advising her daughter to become like her. On the part of the priest, there are indications of knowing women as devil-like beings. The woman, despite her enslaved nation, reaches a compromise between what she needs and what the invaders offer her. ‘Rayiadism’ as subservience, a term used for Christians during Turkish occupation, shows metaphorically a person expressing subservient behaviour. The life goal of the main character is her daughter’s marriage. In the poem we meet the attitude of a nation under Turkish occupation, coexisting with the invaders even subserviently, for four hundred years. Similar attitudes were manifest during the German-Italian occupation of Greece (1941–1945), and during the Military Dictatorship (1967–1974). The interconnection of politics and religion or of the state and the state Church, become diachronical relations of power leading to cooperation or conflict—where women are caught in the middle.80

Feminists speak of evil endured by women that can be personal or systemic, and of the concept of gender practices that impose injustices on women, denying them their full humanity. Women are not only victims; they also are responsible for evil that harms others.81 I turn to Fonissa, the Murderess, by Alexander Papadiamantis82 who drowns with her own hands two new born girls of whom the one is her granddaughter; also two little sisters because she wants to save the children from life’s troubles and pain. She kills them in order to save them. Frightened by her own crimes, she tries to reach a church to confess her crimes to the monk. But finally she herself was drowning in the sea. The theme of the book is murder as ultimate temptation as experienced by a woman in a patriarchal context.83

The concept of gender helps us see a division in domains, a practical ethic and values lived out differently. This base is shaped even from harmful cultural prejudices,84 or ecclesiastical rules. Emmanuel Roidis wrote a novel that was published in 1866 about the life of a woman-Pope. Although the story of Joan is first found in the 13th century, there is no historical support for it, and modern historians ← 29 | 30 → do not take it seriously. Joan was dressed up like a monk to follow her lover to his monastery. The couple came to medieval Athens. Joan learned Greek, moved to Rome, started a school of philosophy, became a cardinal, and then a Pope always pretending to be a man. During a ceremony she gave birth to a boy; the people killed her and her baby. Roidis wrote his story after the Independence when Athens was shaken up. The protagonist became a trickster to follow her desires. Her nature betrayed her when she gave birth in public.85

Like the protagonist in Roidis’ novel, the first ancient Greek woman doctor, Agnodiki, was dressed like a man. The law did not allow women to become doctors. Any woman who did not follow the law was sentenced to death. Agnodiki was sent to the court where she said that she was a woman. All women supported her. Because of her, the law changed. Since then women could become doctors but they could only take care of women. The stories of those women symbolize the struggles of women to follow their desires and even becoming tricksters.86

The Built Athenian Environment after 1900

Protection of the environment does not imply planting of any kind of trees in any places.87 In 1933 Le Corbusier, proposed that populations in cities should live in apartment buildings; by extending vertically; he offered for the first time modern facilities to the poor. The pay-off was monotony, nihilism of the individual and the abolition of the unique character of architecture. After the 1943 collapse of the fascist regime, the German army left Athens in ruins. After the civil war that followed, Athens once again was rebuilt. The buildings of the Neo-Classic period were demolished. In their place high rise apartment buildings, ugly and inelegant, appeared. A new city was built after 1900. After the World War II, the construction criteria changed for the benefit of the private companies who were rebuilding Athens.88

← 30 | 31 →

After 1900: Greek Emigrants leave their Homeland

Large waves of emigrants were leaving Greece after 1900. The period was marked by agricultural poverty due to large scale ownerships of a seigniorial type and to the absence of a centralized State concern for the agricultural economy. Emigration to countries that held economic promise attracted people from the agricultural class. The developing western European economies needed workers, a resource that Greece could readily provide. Others who lived in the rural villages of Greece moved to the cities, and especially Athens. The country lost its economic autonomy and vitality.89 The commercial, intermediary, consumerist ideology was spreading among Greeks. Athens offered the country a model of luxurious consumerism. Under these technological preconditions, intensive cultivation was needed to feed a growing population that was moving to the cities. Yet the model of successful development that was followed was not in the agricultural sector, but rather in the earning of a good personal income in the city. This trend could not result in industrial or agricultural growth to assure Greece’s economic independence. In the cities 47% of the population became merchants or officers in services.90

1923: Greeks from Anatolia, Refugees in their Homeland

What became known as the Asia Minor Catastrophe involved some two million people, forcibly made refugees when Greeks were ousted from the region in Turkey known as Anatolia or Asia Minor, where they had lived peaceably during the Ottoman Empire? In all, about half a million refugees were added to the one million plus Greeks already cleansed by the Turkish army before the Treaty of Lausanne was signed in 1923. Greek Protestant families living in Asia Minor were excluded from the terms of the Treaty; yet they followed their fellow Orthodox Greeks back to Greece; their homeland.91 Many residential areas in Athens were hastily developed to receive the fleeing Asia Minor population. 125,000,000 refugees came to Athens. In 1922 brick and wooden dwellings were constructed, one family in one room, sharing a common kitchen, bathroom, and water supply. Illegal land division and the building of houses outside of the accepted city ← 31 | 32 → planning limits occurred.92 A decade later, a different society was emerging. Now the idea of ‘refugees from Anatolia’ who initially faced discrimination against the refugees became a title of honour.93 The Anatolians were then respected mainly because of their hard work in agriculture. The arrival of the Asia Minor Greeks resulted in agricultural production increasing by over 400%. Due in part to the arrival of cheap refugee labour, the Greek economy was pushed into an era of industrialization. At the same time, thousands of mainly women and children died of diseases that swelled the already high mortality rates.

The architect Pikionis (1887–1968) could see in Attica the obvious realities: shapes, forces, pagan sanctuaries, places of Christian worship, age-old olive trees with fruits, traces of historical praxis, fragments of a Turkish minaret, of the Themistocles wall, of statuary, scrawls of modern people on marble, all parts of the same world that bears the marks of life in an eternal now. Nothing exists in isolation, but only as part of the whole.94 Pikionis planted autochthonous flora around the Acropolis to provide shade, filter the light and hold the rain waters. The olive trees create equilibrium of shade and light in all seasons. According to him only indigenous plants must be planted.95 Conscious of the symbolic value of the religious needs of the population, he renovated the church of St. Dimitris Loumbardiaris, on Philopappus hill as a visual representation of Christian theology.96 He idealised the Golden Classic Age, but was influenced by the simplicity and humility of the biblical message. His love for ‘good and beauty’ was transformed by his respect for creation springing from the love for the creator.97

After 1950 Athens developed without forethought for its growth. Open land, exchanged for apartments, turned Athens into a worksite; its mountains and hills into quarries and its rivers into sewers. Hundreds of streams and riverbeds are ← 32 | 33 → buried under almost every Athenian neighbourhood. Even whole areas, extensions of the hills of Athens, became flat because of the quarrying.98 Against this backdrop, Pikionis 99 raised the alarm bell to the Athenians. His prophetic words are now becoming a reality: ‘if they let loose the rein of the profit instincts and of production, they shall abolish our love for beauty, truth, justice as well as our love towards our neighbour.’100

The Birth of a Megacity

In 1966 the first impasses of an inadequate transportation system and of the air pollution appeared. However, it wasn’t until 1985, when an integrated Planning Policy was first legislated (1985) for ‘City planning and the Protection of the Environment of the greater area of Athens’ which was to offer a directed political framework. Antonis Tritsis, Minister of Land Planning and the Environment. This ‘planning’ improved some of the central neighbourhoods and helped stabilize the Athenian population. It did not, however, succeed in adapting to the many challenges Athens was to face: the extension of the residential area, lack of free space and car-traffic negating increased infrastructures, air pollution.

Since independence from Turkish oversight, successive governments used the construction industry to reignite Greek economy.101 The new planning must free up areas for forest-parks to revive the Athenian climate.102 The level of transport-related air pollution in Athens is more than double the average European levels. Industry is polluting because the only environmental criterion for a company to start is its own profit. Energy demands lead to the over-exploitation of mineral coal, which is a significant air polluter. The places where ozone is produced are the scrap heaps that become sources of epidemic diseases.103 Today more than one ← 33 | 34 → third of the total national population inhabits Athens. Urbanization in Greece has meant: exploitation of natural and rural land;104 pollution and poverty appearing where the landfills are located; this results in emigrants’ lives being unbearably unhealthy. Both flooding and fires are regular occurrences, unhampered by state intervention.

Post the 2004 Olympics, Greece faces greater problems than other organizing countries, such as enormous debt, unemployment, and hesitancy in foreign investments. The Olympic constructions improved the Athenian transportation network, but it did not touch the poorer areas around Athens; the Olympic advantage for other Greek cities was small. The gap between rich and poor areas became wider. Furthermore, today in Athens there is no fresh cool air coming down from the slopes of the mountains after the fires. No airstreams are flowing from the riversides to freshen the city. There are few parks; and no olive groves exist anymore.105 Around 1950, after the World War II and the Civil wars, the people of rural Greece abandoned lands, villages, islands, houses, farms, and gardens to find jobs in secondary and tertiary industries, mainly in Athens. Emigration to urban centres changed the rural family lifestyle from producing their own food, vegetables, fruits, milk into a consumerist urban culture, where people are isolated from each other, exiled from their own ‘land,’ searching for more money, more goods, and better technology: but nothing is ever enough. Greece’s ecological problems have a social dimension because exploitation of the planet affects all inhabitants.

1989 - Influx of Refugees and Immigrants

Since 1989, immigrants from all over the world have entered Greece looking for economic opportunity. Almost half are Albanians; others are from eastern Europe, Asia, the Middle East, and Africa. In the previous years, immigrants found jobs and were quickly incorporated into Greek society. Their children attended the Greek public schools. In the early 20th century, Greece was an ‘exporter’ of immigrants, unable to provide work to its population. Now Greece was experiencing the social shock of sudden waves of international immigration waves, while its ← 34 | 35 → social fabric is in jeopardy as it responds to demands of the European community to rein in its debts.106

Concerning the issue of migrating groups, Greece needs to develop coherent policies for this considerable challenge. Greece a country of 10,000,000 habitants is hosting more than 2,000,000 political or economic emigrants107 Successive Greek governments were not prepared to deal with this emigration wave. The church and non-profit organizations after 1980 cared for political refugees seeking asylum, with the help of the UN. From 1988–2007, arrangements were made to provide for healthcare.108 But given the economic stress that Greece finds itself in today, addressing the issues of immigration is a low priority.

In addition to the immigrant impact on the Greek labor pool, Greek women’s advancement in the labor force was the shift away from family farms and businesses and unpaid status to independent employment. The tension between enabling and obstructing factors, seem to have been resolved in the 1990’s thanks to the labor supply due to mass migration. This shift in independent employment and gender roles of Greek women is causally related to the shift of migration flows of the early 1990’s. Female migrants acted as catalysts in a circle of self-determination where Greek female employment proceeds together with disentanglement from a patriarchal family business culture. The late transition of Greek women into paid employment increased demand for childcare at a time when the availability of grandmothers to supply care silently and for free was diminishing. This was happening because grandmothers, who used in previous years to take care of their grandchildren, had their own careers.

Migrant women came just in time to meet this demand in a cheap and flexible manner. The same was true of elderly care provision. More than one out of two female migrants was involved in housework activities. Migrants came in to fill a widening gap which corresponded with latent unmet family needs. Their presence underpins the transition from ‘family provision of care’ to ‘migrant in the ← 35 | 36 → family’ model of care. Part of the caring of Greek family needs was outsourced to female migrants, some of whom live-in as they left their families back home, while others have their own arrangements. New complex domestic arrangements and responsibilities were emerging.109

The Athenian Landscape in our Days

Each Athenian citizen enjoys a meagre 2.5 m2 of green compared to more than 30 in other European countries. There are open spaces in Athens: a long coastal line, a line of mountains around Attica, hills in the city, rivers and streams and free places to protect and organize them for the citizens to enjoy.110 In Athens three cities converge: the Athens of the Hellenic civilization, of architectural monuments and historic excavations; the Athens as a cosmopolitan European centre of the Greek economy and new opportunities; and the Athens of the neighbourhoods where we were raised. We must harmonize these dimensions of our city and frame our priorities. The Municipality, responsible for the environment claims green spaces, creates new parks, and rehabilitates old ones. Athens must offer its citizens opportunities for both jobs and a healthy life.111

Fires Degrading the Athenian Ecosystems

Summer fires produce ecological catastrophes for Athens. As recently as August 2009, Athenians were battling to save their homes from forest fires raging out of control on the outskirts of the city. Wildfires are caused by drought, wind, high temperatures or arson. The WWF (World Wildlife Federation) calls on Greek citizens and the government to deal with the issues of climate change. Their report outlines a bleak future for cities with scorching temperatures, hard times for agriculture, and natural forests in danger. The danger of fires will intensify in forests, ← 36 | 37 → due to summer temperature increase, raising danger days for fires to 15 per year. So far, the WWF 2008 proposal concerning the protection of the forests and the activation of volunteers has not been considered.112 The Director of the Institute for Environmental Studies at the National Observatory, argues that if the burnt areas continue to be residentially developed, temperature will increase 6° Celsius. More energy will be needed for air conditioning as well as more water, drinkable or for irrigation. That means increased volumes of waste to manage. The scientists at the Centre for the Evaluation of Natural Dangers and the Preventitive Planning of the National Polytechnic School cite the problems emerging after a fire event.

When rains come, tributaries swell and flooding follows. There is increased opportunity for the dioxins to enter the food chain. Ashes pollute the surface waters; carried by the wind they threaten the flora and wider communities. The fires create air pollution because of the released carbon dioxide, nitrogen dioxide and sulphur dioxide.113 The inclusion of new areas in the scope of city planning must not bring in forests. According to the Greek Technical Chamber, the Association of Architects, and urban planners, the state must not include in its planning illegally constructed areas. There is a need for Athenian urban planning as a green city with recreated neighbourhoods. In the fire prone area of Attica, about 250,000 illegally built houses exist.114

What is the Cause of the Ecological Crisis?

Our ecological crisis is a product of an emerging, new culture. Until the middle of the previous decade, agriculture was the main occupation in Greece. A problem like forest fires is discussed only on a technological level. Yet prevention starts from getting to know the ecosystems in which we are members so that to discuss the problem at its roots and consider the ecological health of our shared environments. Ecological health measures the robustness and capacity for recovery of an ecosystem, or for how far the ecosystem is away from a balanced state.115

I have described the Athenian history of people living in a Mediterranean area with its own ecological features. We Athenians must learn to live responsibly in ← 37 | 38 → our ecosystems. We need to have a sense of belonging to the earth that could dethrone us as masters of our ecosystems and re-situate us as partners in their process. To find our place within our ecosystems evokes a natural piety, an ethical response to live harmoniously with all other beings and to deepen our understanding of the natural phenomena.116

The Orthodox Church of Greece

Following Independence in 1821, the Orthodox Church of Greece became state supported. Ninety-six per cent of Greeks belong to it. Mary, Jesus’ mother, women saints, empresses of the Byzantine Empire, nuns, abbesses, and women hymn writers constitute the female presence in the history of the Orthodox Church of Greece. The institution of deaconesses called, ‘right reverends,’117 was very important in the first centuries AD. Catechism, preaching to women, and pastoral ministry was one (but not the only) responsibility of deaconesses. However, in the 12th century, the institution of deaconesses was abolished.118 In the Theological Faculty of the University of Thessalonica, there are now courses in feminist theology.119 Despite the richness of theology, customs that result in discrimination against women still exist. Eleni Kasselouri, points out the exclusion of women during their menstrual cycle and after childbirth from participating in the mysteries; the prohibition to enter the altar even for new born girls; the exclusion from the act of worship and the non-acceptance of women to the priesthood.120

Thirteen years ago, Greek Orthodox biblical women theologians entered into dialogue with new hermeneutical approaches, when feminist interpretative ideas were introduced to them. After the ‘European Society of Women in Theological Research’ conference in Crete in 1997, a number of articles and papers appeared in Orthodox meetings.121 When the Bible is known polyphonically, this ← 38 | 39 → encourages resistance to exclusive approaches and progress in biblical studies, as well.122 Evanthia Adamtziloglou first offered a systematic analysis of Pauline theology on women. Her doctoral thesis123 is a new hermeneutical approach to 1 Corinthians 11.2–16, a text traditionally used to subordinate women. An inquiry of Paul’s social, religious, philosophical, ecclesiological context shows that the place of women distinguishes Paul from contemporary rabbis. Adamtziloglou is the first Greek theologian who discusses feminist theology and hermeneutics.124 In her book125 referring to 1 Cor. 11.3 she analyzes the meaning of ‘head’ trying a Christological witness of the equality of both sexes. Based on 1 Thessalonians 2.7,11,17 and Gal 3.26 she refers to the NT language, influenced by the patriarchal background of the writers, as a means of exclusion. She opens up the possibility of dialogue between feminist theology and Orthodox tradition.126 In her third book127 she analyzes the exegesis of Gal 3.28c in the light of Gen 1.26–27 in patristic, both Greek and Latin and in the late 20th century.128 Eleni Kasselouri-Hatzivassiliadi presents feminist hermeneutics referring to their history and interaction with other hermeneutic approaches. Through her book, orthodox women theologians learned from Western women theologians about gender stereotypes and the various biblical voices. The key for feminist exegesis is: ‘our heritage is our power,’ as every context involves another engagement with the Bible that shapes and influences the treatment of biblical text.129

← 39 | 40 →

The Greek Evangelical Church

The Greek Evangelical Church to which I belong is rooted in the Protestant Reformation expressing its faith in forms shaped by the contextual circumstances of the 16th and 17th ecclesiastical history in Western Europe when Greece was under Ottoman occupation. As an institution, the GEC is 150 years old, and remains small: a mere 0.02% of Greeks belong to it. We live within an Orthodox context, which permeates all aspects of our lives. Although we have deaconesses, there are neither women elders nor ordained women pastors. A few women have participated in Bible Schools. For the past 50 years, women have participated in the World Day of Prayer and since 1990, in the Ecumenical Forum of European Christian Women. By the beginning of the 1980s, some of our church leaders realized that there are no biblical reasons for women not to be elders or pastors. A paper was brought forward for discussion at the General Assembly Synod in May 1982. So vocal and biased was the stance of some of the delegates, that the paper was retracted for fear of the church being thrown into schism. Our constitution (1969)130 in speaking of elders and pastors makes no mention of gender.

The Greek Crisis

After the 2004 Olympics, there were few places for anyone to work in Athens. We had enormous problems more than those that other organizing countries had, because Greece as a small county faced: an enormous debt, unemployment, lowering of tourism, and hesitancy in foreign investments. The cost of the Olympics was more than double what had been expected. While construction for the Olympics helped Athenian transportation, it did not touch the poorer regions around Athens. Greece became even more centralized and the gap between rich and poor became wider. Again the poorer places were forgotten.

Towards the end of 2008 in the midst of a life that for many people was without problems, great financial and economic problems came to light in Greece. 2009 began with concern about the bad economic situation for the global world of wealth. Greece in the second decade of the 21st century underwent an enormous financial downturn; a member of the Eurozone was in the middle of an ongoing debt crisis. By November 2009, it became clear that Greece’s budget deficit and debt were not sustainable. The Greek government accepted a ← 40 | 41 → rescue plan of 110 billion euros given by the European Union and the International Monetary Fund. For this plan, new austerity programs were added. A debt consolidation plan has been put forward. The plans are to be implemented until 2020 coupled by a 50% haircut on the 205 billion euros value of Greek sovereign bonds held by the private sector. Overconsumption financed by increasing borrowing over the 1980–2008 period; current account deficits, and government budget deficit are sources of the tragic state of affairs of the Greek economy. This condition was further fuelled by an inefficient Public Administration sector.131

In the last months of 2010, years of unrestrained spending, cheap lending, and failure to invoke financial reforms left Greece exposed when the global economic downturn struck. This situation revealed debt levels and deficits that exceeded limits set by the Eurozone. Greece’s assessment of its ability to repay its debts was downgraded. Viewed as a financial black hole by foreign investors, Greece struggles to pay its bills as rates on existing debts rise. Budget cuts impact social services and pensions that result in strikes, closing airports, government offices, courts and schools, all around Greece.132 Since 2010, the unaccountable welfare state, the widespread tolerant attitude toward corruption, an inefficient legal system, and extensive tax evasion, ‘captured’ regulatory agencies, politicians and political parties.133 Greece was living beyond its means since even before it joined the Euro. After it adopted the Euro, public spending soared, and public sector wages doubled. Yet while money flowed out of the government’s coffers, its income has been hit by widespread tax evasion. The economic situation in Greece deteriorated further; a new deal involves a bigger debt write-off by the banks.134

Middle-class families with children are moving to Australia, or to Cyprus trying to see a future elsewhere. Greece’s debts will continue to mount and growth will not return until 2013 at the earliest. Greece will continue on its painful path.135 There are no jobs for immigrants anymore, and there is growing unemployment ← 41 | 42 → among Greeks, who have to live in the margins of our own cities as the country tries to survive in the margins of Europe. The emigrants who were entering Greece to find jobs during the past decades, return to their countries or stay in Greece suffering with the Greeks, without jobs. The economic, social, political problems are visible; citizens suffer from unemployment, high taxes, reduced salaries and pensions, and lack of health care and medicines.

Political failure and the consequences of decades of mismanagement are evident in the center of the Greek capital. The central issue is its social bankruptcy and there poverty is most clearly evident. Athens has a population of more than four million people. No one knows how many immigrants are living here illegally and without papers. The downtown area is ‘a hotbed of crime, drugs and prostitution.’ Voluntary repatriation is for the government the only way to cope with the plight. A walk along one of the city’s main arteries, reveals people openly injecting drugs into their bodies. Sometimes up to 25 immigrants live in a 50-square-meter apartment; few have papers. The police search the buildings, usually accompanied by prosecutors and tax investigators.

Violence in Greece, including robberies and murders, has increased.136 Greece is a destination and transit country for women and children trafficked for sexual exploitation and for men and children trafficked for forced labor. Child labor trafficking victims were forced to begging and to engage in crimes; some are among the almost 1,000 minors who enter Greece yearly, unaccompanied. The government does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. Its specialized anti-trafficking police demonstrated strong law enforcement efforts, but lacked sufficient progress in punishing trafficking offenders, proactively identifying victims, providing reliable shelter facilities for trafficking victims, and targeting domestic audiences with prevention campaigns.137

In addition to violence, a surge in the number of suicides has occurred in the wake of the Greek economic crisis. The death of pharmacist Dimitris Christoulas, who shot himself in the head on a central Athens square because of poverty brought on by the crisis, was dramatic. He left a note: ‘I see no other solution than this dignified end to my life so I don’t find myself fishing through garbage cans for sustenance,’ he wrote. ← 42 | 43 → Some doctors say this form of political suicide is a reflection of a growing helplessness and despair many feel. Greek people do not want to be a burden to anyone. Some develop an attitude of self-hatred and that leads to self-destruction. We are seeing a whole new category emerge: political suicides. Before the financial crisis began wreaking havoc in 2009, Greece had one of the lowest suicide rates in the world. There was a 40% rise in suicides in the first half of 2010, according to the Health Ministry. Recently a middle aged man pushed his old mother from the balcony and then he jumped down to the road. They were both killed. Only alive can we struggle against suffering and poverty, but it is myopic not to consider attempted suicides and demand for psychiatric help that has risen as Greece struggles to cope with the worst economic crisis since World War II.

Poverty in Greece is linked today with unemployment, dismissals, high extra taxes, lost jobs, income losses, closed shops, debts that cannot be paid back. Long-term unemployment increased to 9.1% of the labour force (355 000 people). As the economic outlook for 2012 remains pessimistic about labour market recovery, long-term unemployment has not yet peaked. Poverty among the unemployed is an issue, given that the maximum duration of unemployment benefits in Greece is 12 months. Unemployment benefits are subject to narrow eligibility conditions; doubling in youth unemployment, which ended at 45% in the third quarter of 2011 – twice as high as two years ago – and a large portion of the long-term unemployed. In late 2011, some 45% of the unemployed aged 15 to 24 were long-term unemployed, against 30 percent two years earlier.138 Overconsumption and corruption resulted in poverty in Greece. The market excluded thousands of people in Greece today. The economy is not an end in itself, but one means toward the well being of the entire creation; it must not rule people but people must regulate the economy. Increased violence in Greece, including robberies and murders, is linked also with unemployment, poverty and lack of money for the basic needs of life.

Aims and Objectives of the Thesis

What we do about ecology depends on our ideas about the humanity-nature relationship. Humans are alienated from the rhythms and cycles of our selves, thus the wholeness of ‘self’ is lost.139 Likewise, the ecological problem as political, ← 43 | 44 → economical, cultural or ethical is firstly a spiritual one, related to the relationships of humanity with the creation and the creator. In my view, the ecological problem is a problem of humanity that exists in a distorted relationship with itself, God, the earth and creation. The falsification of the relations of humans with God, the source of life, leads to the domineering relationship of humanity over nature where humans are considered as consumer goods and sources of personal accumulation of goods. To heal the rift is a process of cultivating authentic communion with God, with the earth, and with its beings.

The problems of environmental exploitation are basically spiritual and ethical ones.140 In urban societies like Athens, we are removed from the recognition of our dependence on each other and on nature.141 We must142 confront the split within ourselves, our families, our cities as well as within our societies; we must face ‘the split at its roots’. The eco-crisis challenges the way we know God, how we live our lives, read the Bible, and practice theology. Athenians exist in a specific place and share a common history and geomorphologic, environmental, political, and social context. The value with which we measure everything leads to the exploitation of other humans and nature. The ecofeminist movement reminds us of the glory of God in creation.143 Our goal is to make God’s dream visible, to heal wounds and divisions, and to create new healthy relationships with God, people and the rest of creation.

The second chapter of the thesis is an introduction into ecofeminist theology. Readings of the biblical texts based on the idea that humans have divinely sanctioned ‘dominion’144 on earth support attitudes justifying the exploitation of earth. To see whether such texts are ecologically friendly, women reread them from ecofeminist perspectives. The critique in my thesis comes from those theologies. I discuss ‘language’ and certain theologies, as languages that we use to speak ← 44 | 45 → about God as introductions to my ecofeminist theological view. I discuss ‘worldviews,’ arguing for a holistic worldview.

In the third chapter I provide a focused account of ‘dualisms’ as they are identified and challenged by ecofeminist theologians. I address the ecosocial problems as problems of distorted relations among humans, between humans and the rest of creation; and between humans and God; as a split in our being and the way out of ‘split selves’ towards ‘whole, socio-ecological selves’. In the second part of the chapter I present my partners in dialogue and their works.

In the fourth chapter I trace the development in the concept of patristic ‘perichoresis’ to study its potential and implications for ecofeminist theology. I discuss Trinitarian Perichoresis. In the fifth chapter I focus on Christological Perichoresis that is the co-inherence in Christ of the human and divine natures for the bridge they build between the Creator and creation. My goal is for a healed relation among humans and between humans and earth in Christ that can lead to a perichoretic culture and consciousness opposing domination systems and nature’s exploitation.

In the sixth chapter I unfold my approach to an ecofeminist perichoretic Christology that I base on our biblical and patristic heritage. It deals with our concerns of discrimination against women and other groups of people and of exploitation of planet earth. The cosmos that the sciences explore and theology sees as God’s creation is one and the same. Are there two cosmic realities: a scientific one and a theological one? Such an approach can be a dualistic idea for our existence in this world. I reflect in the last part of the chapter on the ‘dualisms’ my partners in dialogue create in their works, still influenced by dualisms we inherit from our dualistic cultures.

The seventh chapter refers back to Chapter One showing how the theological argument developed in the intervening chapters has been applied to the context described in Chapter One. I see how the power of the incarnation as Christological perichoresis, can enable us to relate to our Athenian context and find ways out of the Greek crisis and into ways of ministry to the victims of discrimination and the exploited earth. I return to forest fires as an ecological and social phenomenon that degrades the entire Athenian ecosystem. Ecofeminist spirituality is the praxis of imaging a whole world.

When we destroy and pollute the creatures, the natural systems and the earth, and when we misuse the natural resources, we destroy the creatures of God, in which God lives and their destruction grieves the Holy Spirit, the sustainer of life. Could the presence of God the creator and preserver of creation in creation and in each eco-region which human selfishness and avarice destroy, be a ← 45 | 46 → ‘reminder’ that God wishes for the whole creation to have an abundant life? Could the revelation that the triune God dwells in all the creation, in each eco-region and in all creatures, be a challenge, an invitation, and a call for a renewed sensitization for us to respect the creation and our eco-region, and to care for it by protecting it without destroying it?

1 Cetin Militello, ‘Women, Citizenship, Church’, in Sabine Bieberstein et al (eds), Journal of the European Society of Women in Theological Research, Becoming Living Communities (Leuven: Peeters Publishers, 2008), p. 25.

2 T. J. Gorringe, A Theology of the Built Environment, Justice, Empowerment, Redemption (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 1.

3 Many natural disasters are described in the biblical texts. Jose Pepito M. Cunanan, A Bible Scan of Ecological and Environmental Disasters: Genesis to Revelation (Kyoto: WWC, 1997).

4 Brian Swimme & Thomas Berry, The Universe Story (New York: HarperSanFrancisco, 1992), pp. 54–9.

5 The Earth Bible Team introduces the ecological approach and ecojustice principles; they work on ecotheological biblical issues having decided the hermeneutical approach of the principles. They show how a reading of a biblical text from the perspective of earth needs fresh insights. Norman C. Habel, ‘Introducing the Earth Bible’, ‘Editorial Preface’, in Norman C. Habel (ed.), Readings from the Perspective of Earth (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), pp. 9–10, 25.

6 Mary Evelyn Tucker, John Grim, ‘Series Forward’ in Dieter Hessel, Rosemary Radford Ruether (eds), Christianity and Ecology (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2000), pp. xv–xvi.

7 Leonardo Boff, Cry of the Earth, Cry of the Poor (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis, 1997), pp. xi–xii.

8 Sean McDonagh, The Greening of the Church (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis, 1990), p. 6.

9 Rosemary Radford Ruether, ‘Ecofeminism, Symbolic and Social Connections of the Oppression of Women and the Domination of Nature’, in Carol J. Adams (ed.), Ecofeminism and the Sacred (New York: Continuum, 1993), pp. 13–23.

10 Ibid., p. 2.

11 Chung Hyun Kyung, ‘Ecology, Feminism and African and Asian Spirituality’, in David G. Hallman (ed.), Ecotheology (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1995), p. 178.

12 Ecumenical Forum of European Christian Women EFECW

13 Jane Douglas was the Hazel Thomson McCord Professor of Historical Theology at Princeton Theological Seminary and President of WARC for seven years.

14 Luke 1: 26–60, Carol A. Newson and Sharon H. Ringe (eds), The Women’s Bible Commentary (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1992), pp. 282–3.

15 1997 Churchwide Gathering of Presbyterian Women, Surrounded by a Cloud of Witnesses (Louisville: Louisville Commonwealth Convention Centre, 1997), p. 57.

16 Dr. Thelma C. Davidson Adair, Keynote speaker for the opening of the 1997 Churchwide Gathering (Wednesday, July 9), of Presbyterian Women, Surrounded by a Cloud of Witnesses, p. 56.

17 Pieter N. Holtop et al, ‘Witnessing together in Context’, in Reformed World, 45/4(1995), 161.

18 Gregory Tsounis, George Sfikas, Ecotourist Guide of Greece (Athens: General Secretariat of Youth-Hell. Society for the Protection of Nature, 1993), p. 60.

19 Ibid., p. 180.

20 Θεοφάνης Κωνσταντινίδης, ‘Ακριβοθώρητα αγριολούλουδα της Αττικής γης’, σε Η Καθημερινή, (Κυριακή 11 Αυγούστου 2003), σελ. 15.

21 A. E. Taylor, Πλάτων. Ο άνθρωπος και το έργο του, translation Ιορδάνη Αρζóγλου (Αθήνα: 1990), σελ. 522, 683.

22 Anaxagorae, Fragmenta 12, (Lipsiae: Suptlibus Hartmanni, 1827), pp. 100–1.

23 «ἄρχεσθαι τῷ σώματι ὑπὸ τῆς ψυχῆς, καὶ τῷ παθητικῷ μορίῳ ὑπὸ τοῦ νοῦ καὶ τοῦ μορίου τοῦ λóγον ἔχοντος» Αριστοτέλης, Άπαντα, Τóμος 1, Πολιτικά 1, 1254b, 7–10, (Αθήνα: Κάκτος, 1992), σελ. 64–5.

24 Ησίοδος, Άπαντα Θεογονία, (Αθήνα: Κάκτος, 1992), σελ. 84–5.

25 Herodoti Historiarum Libri v. viii., Cap. 55 (Typis B. G Trubneet B. G. Ted.), In aedibus B. G. Teubneri, Lipsiae, 1884, p. 245.

26 Francois de Polignac, Η Γέννηση της Αρχαίας Ελληνικής Πóλης, Μετάφραση: Νάσος Κυριαζóπουλος (Αθήνα: Μορφωτικó Ίδρυμα Εθνικής Τραπέζης, 2000), σελ. 218–9.

27 Gorringe, A Theology of the Built Environment, p. 147

28 Αριστοτέλης, Άπαντα, Τóμος 1, Πολιτικά 1, 1253a, 35 (Αθήνα: Κάκτος, 1993), σελ. 56–7.

29 Ibid,, 1267a, 10, σελ. 144–5.

30 Gorringe, A Theology of the Built Environment, pp. 147–8.

31 Αριστοτέλης, Τóμος 1, Πολιτικά 1, 1251a, σελ. 48–9.

32 Gorringe, A Theology of the Built Environment, p. 171.

33 Αριστοτέλης, Άπαντα Τ5 Αθηναίων Πολιτεία Αποσπάσματα 20.1,3,4, (Αθήνα: Κάκτος, 1993), σελ. 90–7.

34 Αριστοτέλης, Άπαντα, Τóμος 3, Πολιτικά 3, 1319b (Αθήνα: Κάκτος, 1993), σελ. 32–3.

35 The immigrants in ancient Athens, were called metics, they were living in Athens but without civil rights as the citizens.

36 Susan E. Alcock, ‘Chapter 2 Environment’, in Paul Cartledge (ed.), The Cambridge Illustrated History of Ancient Greece (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 13–34.

37 Anaxagorae Clazomenii, Fragmenta, 8, Fragmenta.13 (Lipsiae: Sumptibus Hartmanni, 1827), pp. 100–1.

38 G. Glotz, The Greek City and its Institutions (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trumber and Co., 1929), pp. 135–40.

39 Carol Christ visits the artifacts in the Knossos-Cretan museum dated from 6000 to 3000 B.C.E. Carol P. Christ, Odyssey with the Goddess (New York: Continuum, 1995), p. 85.

40 Ησίοδος, ‘Έργα και ημέραι’ σε Άπαντα-Θεογονία, Έργα και Ημέραι, Ασπίς Ηρακλεóυς, Αποσπάσματα (Αθήνα: Κάκτος, 1993), σελ. 103–7.

41 Αισχύλος, Ευμενίδες, 840 (Αθήνα: Κάκτος, 1992), σελ. 88–9.

42 Πλάτωνος, Τίμαιος, Αρχαίον κείμενον, XLIV 91, 92, (Εν Αθήναις: Ελληνική Εταιρεία των Ελληνικών Γραμμάτων Πάπυρος, 1956), σελ. 180–184. See also: Αριστοτέλους Πολιτικά Α, κεφ. Ε 13, 260α 5–15 (Εν Αθήναις: Επιστημονική Εταιρεία Γραμμάτων Πάπυρος, 1939), σελ. 55–8.

43 Rosemary Radford Ruether, Gaia and God, An Ecofeminist Theology of Earth Healing (London: HarperCollins, 1994), p. 184.

44 Αριστοτέλης, Άπαντα τ. 22, Περί ζώων γενέσεως Δ, 75a10 (Αθήνα: Κάκτος, 1994), σελ. 172–3.

45 Ibid., 763b30, σελ. 98–9.

46 Ibid., Σχóλια 2, σελ. 273.

47 Αριστοτέλους, Πολιτικά Α, κεφ. Ε 13, 1260α 5–15 (Εν Αθήναις: Επιστημονική Εταιρεία Γραμμάτων Πάπυρος, 1939), σελ. 55–8.

48 Sarah B. Pomeroy, Θεές, Πóρνες, Σύζυγοι και Δούλες, Μετάφραση: Μάριος Μπλέτας (Αθήνα: Ινστιτούτο του Βιβλίου-Α. Καρδαμίτσα, 2008), σελ. 318–9.

49 Αλέξανδρος Παπαγεωργίου-Βενέτας, Αθηνών Αγλάισμα (Αθήνα: Ερμής, 1999), σελ. 17–20.

50 David J. Bosch, Transforming Mission: Paradigm Shifts in Theology of Mission (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis, 2005), p. 178.

51 Beverly Louise Brown, Diana E. E. Kleiner, ‘Giuliano Da Sangallo’s Drawings after Ciriaco d‘Ancona: Transformations of Greek and Roman Antiquities in Athens’, in Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 42/4(1983), 321–35.

52 Γ. Α. Χατζηαντωνίου, Η Εκκλησία του Χριστού, Τα Πρώτα Εξακóσια Χρóνια (Αθήνα: Εκδóσεις «Ο Λóγος», 1993), σελ. 1–6.

53 Bosch, Transforming Mission, pp. 210–13, For further study of the formation of the doctrines by the eastern church fathers see John Behr, The Way to Nicaea, Formation of Christian Theology, Vol. (Crestwood, New York: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2001). John Behr, Formation of Christian Theology, Vol. 2, The Nicene Faith, Part 1 (Crestwood, New York: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2004). Leo Donald Davis, The First Seven Ecumenical Councils (Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1983).

54 Paul Knitter, No other Name? A Critical Survey of Christian Attitudes towards World Religions (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis, 1985), quoted in Bosch, Transforming Mission, p. 190.

55 Deaconesses were addressed as reverends Αιδεσιμοτάτη as the priests. Β. Καλογεροπούλου – Μεταλληνού, Η Γυναίκα στην καθ’ ημάς Ανατολή (Αθήνα: Αρμóς, 1992), σελ. 45.

56 Eleni Kasselouri, ‘Women and Orthodox Spirituality’, in Annette Esser, Anne Hunt Overzee, Susan Roll (eds.), Re-Visioning our Sources (Kampen, the Netherlands: Pharos, 1997), p. 78.

57 Stanley J. Grenz with Denise Muir Kjesbo, Women in the Church, A Biblical Theology of Women in Ministry (Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity Press, 1995).

58 Caroline Walker Bynum, Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body (New York: Zone Books, 1992), pp. 175–9.

59 Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus as Mother, Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984), pp. 166–9.

60 Michelangelo (1475–1564), Sistine Chapel, Vatican Museums, The Original Sin, Monumenti Musei E Gallerie Pontificie, B. N. Marconi, Genova, printed in Italy.

61 For a further discussion on the issue of the problem of direct representations of God the Father in Orthodox churches see Steven Bigham The Image of God the Father in Orthodox Theology and Iconography (Torrance, California: Oakwood Publications, 1995).

62 The London Protocol was signed by government representatives of Russia, Great Britain, and France on February 3, 1830 and formalized the independence of Greece from Turkey, won by the Greeks as a result of the Greek national liberation revolution of 1821–29. It declared Greece to be a fully independent state with the political system of a constitutional monarchy. Greece’s independence was guaranteed by the three powers that participated in the protocol, The Great Soviet Encyclopaedia, 3rd Edition (1970–1979).

63 Κώστα Μπίρη, Αι Αθήναι απó τον 19° έως τον 20° Αιών (Αθήνα: «Μέλισσα», 1999), σελ. 9–26.

64 Αλέξανδρος Παπαγεωργίου-Βενέτας, Αθηνών Αγλάισμα (Αθήνα: Ερμής, 1999), σελ. 17–24.

65 Άρτεμις Σκουμπουρδή, Ψυρρή, Η Γειτονιά των Ηρώων (Αθήνα: Εκδ. Πατάκη, 2001), σελ. 49–52.

66 Μπίρη, Αι Αθήναι απó τον 19ο έως τον 20ο Αιώνα, σελ. 96–106, 132–5, 115–6,.143–5.

67 Μιχαήλ Β. Κυριακάκη, Πρωτοπορία και Πρωτοπóροι (Αθήναι: Έκδοση περιοδικού «Αστήρ της Ανατολής», 1985), σελ. 17.

68 Μπίρη, Αι Αθήναι απó τον 19° έως τον 20° Αιώνα, σελ. 191–2, 72–4, 192–3.

69 Ibid,, σελ. 241–8.

70 Βασίλη Ι. Φίλια, Κοινωνία και Εξουσία στην Ελλάδα, 1. Η Νóθα Αστικοποίηση 1800–1864 (Αθήνα: Σύγχρονα Κείμενα, 1974), σελ. 106–13.

71 Kety Chiotelli, ‘Short History of the Struggle for Women’s rights in Greece’, in Estela Lamas (ed.) Forum Newsflash, Conference-Perea Thessaloniki, 13-7-17-7-2000, Special Issue Fall 2001, p. 18.

72 Μιχαήλ Γ. Μερακλής, Ελληνική Λαογραφία (Αθήνα: Εκδóσεις Οδυσσέας, 2004), σελ. 178.

73 Νικηφóρος Λύτρας, ‘Τα’ αρραβωνιάσματα των παιδιών’, Οι Έλληνες Ζωγράφοι, Απó τον 19° Αιώνα στον 20° (Αθήνα: Μέλισσα, 1975), σελ. 170.

74 Μερακλής, Ελληνική Λαογραφία, σελ. 177.

75 Έφη Αβδελά, Δια λóγους τιμής, Βία, συναισθήματα και αξίες στη μετεμφυλιακή Ελλάδα (Αθήνα: Νεφέλη, 2003), σελ. 266.

76 ‘Ανατολίτης’, Γ. Μπαμπινιώτη, Λεξικó της Νέας Ελληνικής Γλώσσας (Αθήνα: Κέντρο λεξικολογίας Ε.Π.Ε., 1998), σελ. 175.

77 Ivone Gebara, Out of the Depths, Women’s Experience of Evil and Salvation (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002), pp. 62–64, 146, 96.

78 The poem was written during the Independence wars. It became known in 1827. Διονύσιος Σολωμóς, Η Γυναίκα της Ζάκυνθος (Αθήνα: Μεταίχμιο, 2008).

79 Σολωμóς, Η Γυναίκα της Ζάκυνθος, σελ. 8.

80 Αλέξανδρος Σακελλαρίου, ‘Πολιτική και θρησκεία κατά τη στρατιωτική δικτατορία 1967–1974’, σε Αστήρ της Ανατολής, Έτος 152°, Μάιος 2009, Νο. 5, σελ. 140–3.

81 Gebara, Out of the Depths, pp. 96–108.

82 Αλέξανδρος Παπαδιαμάντης, Η Φóνισσα (Αθήνα: Εστία, 2009).

83 Σταύρος Ζουμπουλάκης, ‘Πρóλογος’ σε Αλέξανδρος Παπαδιαμάντης, Η Φóνισσα (Αθήνα: Εστία, 2009), σελ. 9–22.

84 Gebara, Out of the Depths, p. 85.

85 Εμμανουήλ Ροΐδης, Η Πάπισσα Ιωάννα (Αθήνα: Μεταίχμιο, 2000), σελ. XXVI–LXIX.

86 ‘Η Γυναίκα, αφιέρωμα στη Μαρία Καλοποθάκη’ σε Εθνικóς Κήρυξ, Τεύχος 51 (Μάιος 2012).

87 Nikos Margaris was from 1978–1986 professor and head of the department of Ecology at the University of Thessaloniki. Since 1986 he is professor for the Management of the Ecosystems and Chairman of the Department of the Environment at the Aegean University. He was among the first scientists who brought up for discussion the environmental problems in Greece. Νίκος Μάργαρης, Η Γκóλφω Παίζει Γκολφ (Αθήνα: Κάκτος, 1985), σελ. 207.

88 Ibid,, σελ. 311–12, 365–67.

89 Βασίλη Φίλια, Προβλήματα Κοινωνικού Μετασχηματισμού (Αθήνα: Παπαζήση, 1974), σελ. 183–92.

90 Ibid,, σελ. 92–9.

91 Γ. Κάλφας, Πάρις Α. Παπαγεωργίου, Ο Συνοικισμóς Ευαγγελικών της Κατερίνης, (1923–2000), Τοπική Ιστορία και Κίνηση Θρησκευτικών Ιδεών (Κατερίνη: Ελλ. Ευαγγελική Εκκλησία Κατερίνης, 2001), σελ. 25, 33, 38.

92 Μπίρη, Αι Αθήναι απó τον 19° έως τον 20ο Αιώνα, σελ. 286–9.

93 Ν. Σημηριώτης, ‘πρóλογος’, Σ. Στρούζα-Μαργαρίτη, Η Κυρά της Σμύρνης (Αθήνα: Εντóς, 1999), σελ. 7.

94 Δ. Πικιώνης, ‘Αυτογραφικά Σημειώματα’, σε Κείμενα (Αθήνα: Μορφωτικó Ίδρυμα Εθνικής Τραπέζης, 1987), σελ. 32.

95 Δ. Πικιώνης, ‘Εισηγητική Έκθεσις επί της συνεργασίας μου εις τα υπó εκτέλεσιν έργα των περί την Ακρóπολιν αρχαιολογικών χώρων’, Κείμενα (Αθήνα: Μορφωτικó Ίδρυμα Εθνικής Τραπέζης, 1987), σελ. 270–1.

96 Alexander Papageorgiou-Venetas, Athens: The Ancient Heritage and the Historic Cityscape in a Modern Metropolis (Athens: Archaeological Society at Athens, 1994), pp. 368ff.

97 Styliane Philippou, Vision and Language: The Modern Greek World Embodied in Architectural Form (Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh Press, 1995), pp. 267–314.

98 Μαρία Θερμού, ‘Αττικó Τοπίο, Λóφοι που χάθηκαν, ποτάμια που μπαζώθηκαν, Πώς ήταν το λεκανοπέδιο Αττικής και η Αθήνα μέσα απó χάρτες του παρελθóντος’, σε Το Βήμα, Πολιτισμóς, 15/5/2011.

99 Δ. Πικιώνης, ‘Ομιλία για το τοπίο’, σε Κείμενα (Αθήνα: Μορφωτικó Ίδρυμα Εθνικής Τραπέζης, 1987), σελ. 134–6.

100 Δ. Πικιώνης, ‘Γαίας Ατίμωσις’, σε Κείμενα, σελ. 131–3.

101 Αθανάσιος Αραβαντινóς, ‘Διάλογοι για το ρυθμιστικó της Αθήνας’, Κυριακάτικη Ελευθεροτυπία, 10 Μαΐου 2009.

102 Βαγγέλης Αποστóλου, ‘Διάλογοι για το ρυθμιστικó Αθήνας’, Ελευθεροτυπία, 10 Μαΐου 2009.

103 Η Μαύρη Οικολογική Βίβλος των Ελληνικών Οικοσυστημάτων (Αθήνα: Έκδοση Γενική Γραμματεία Νέας Γενιάς- Ελληνικó Κέντρο Οικολογίας, 1995), σελ. 172–3.

104 Κίνηση Πολιτών, Σύλλογος Ελλήνων Πολεοδóμων-Χωροτακτών, WWF Ελλάς, Το Περιβάλλον στην Ελλάδα, 1991–1996 (Αθήνα: Ίδρυμα Μποδοσάκη, 1996”, σελ. 229–51.

105 Δοξιάδης Κωνσταντίνος, ‘Αποσπάσματα απó το έργο «Η Πρωτεύουσά μας και το μέλλον της» 1960, σε Αλέξανδρος Παπαγεωργίου-Βενέτας, Αθηνών Αγλάισμα (Αθήνα: Ερμής, 1999), σελ. 115–7.

106 ‘Τάσεις κοινωνικών Ομάδων-Μετανάστες στην περιφέρεια πρωτευούσης’ MRB Hellas June 2002, Η Καθημερινή της Κυριακής, Αθήνα, Κυριακή 31 Αυγούστου 2003, σελ. 12.

107 Χριστίνα Βάγια, ‘Αλληλεγγύη και ειρηνική συνύπαρξη στην διαπολιτισμική κοινóτητα’, ΗΜΕΡΙΔΑ, Νέες Προκλήσεις, Νέες Συνεργασίες, Γυναίκες πρóσφυγες και μετανάστριες, Θέματα κοινωνικής Δικαιοσύνης και συνύπαρξης, στην Ελληνική κοινωνία. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή & το Ελλ. Τμ. του EFECW, Αθήνα, 30 Μαρτίου 2009, Πρακτικά σελ. 8–12.

108 Θύμιος Παπαγιάννης, ‘Εφιάλτης με καλó τέλος, Το μέλλον της Αθήνας’, Ελεύθερος Τύπος, Σάββατο 11 Αυγούστου 2007, σελ. 03–07.

109 Antigone Lyberaki, “Deae machima: Migrant Women, Care Work and Women’s Employment in Greece, GreeSE PAPER No. 20 Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe, The Hellenic Observatory, The European Institute, (November 2008). “Deae ex Machina”: migrant women, care work and women’s …

110 Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης, ‘Η Πóλη και οι ελεύθεροι χώροι της’ σε Η Καθημερινή, Ειδικές Εκδóσεις, Άνθρωπος και Χώρος στον 21° αιώνα, Τεύχος 42 (Αύγουστος 2007), σελ. 16–7.

111 Νικήτας Κακλαμάνης, ‘Η πóλη της ζωής μας’, σε Η Καθημερινή, Ειδικές Εκδóσεις, Άνθρωπος και Χώρος στον 21° αιώνα, Τεύχος 42 (Αύγουστος 2007), σελ. 12–3.

112 Anthee Carassava, ‘Thousands Flee Athens Fires’, The New York Times (New York edition, 24 August, 2009, p. A9.

113 Μάχη Τράτσα, ‘Οι 7 πληγές της Αττικής’, in Το Βήμα, Κοινωνία, 30 Αυγούστου 2009.

114 Βάσω Χαραλαμπίδου, ‘«Φωτιά» στο νέο Ρυθμιστικó’ Το Βήμα, Κοινωνία, 30 Αυγούστου 2009.

115 J.C. Emberlin, Εισαγωγή στην Οικολογία, Μετάφραση απó τα αγγλικά: Αλεξάνδρα Μελιάδου (Αθήνα: τυπωθήτω, 1996), σελ. 15–38.

116 Sallie McFague, ‘An Earthy Theological Agenda’, in Carol J. Adams (ed.), Ecofeminism and the,Sacred (New York: Continuum, 1993), pp. 84–98.

117 Καλογεροπούλου-Μεταλληνού, Η Γυναίκα στην καθ’ ημάς Ανατολή, σελ. 45.

118 Ibid. p. 41–5.

119 Kasselouri, ‘Women and Orthodox Spirituality’ in Esser, Hunt Overzee, Roll (eds), Re-Visioning our Sources, pp. 76–85.

120 Ibid., p. 79.

121 Eleni Kasselouri-Hatzivassiliadi, ‘Recapturing the Sacred: An Orthodox Response to Anne-Marie Korte’, Yearbook of the European Society of Women in Theological Research, Holy Texts: Authority and Language (Leuven: Peeters Publishers, 2004), p. 41.

122 Eleni Kasselouri-Hatzivassiliadi ‘The Gender Factor in Contemporary Orthodox Biblical Research: A Presentation of the Greek orthodox Context, ESWTR Valeria Ferrari Schiefer, et al (eds), Theological Women’s Studies in Southern Europe, V 13 (Walpole, MA: Peeters-Leuven-Dudley, 2003), p. 108.

123 Ευανθία Χ. Αδαμτζίλογλου, Η Γυναίκα στη Θεολογία του Αποστóλου Παύλου-Ερμηνευτική ανάλυση του Α΄ Κορινθίους 11,2–16 (Θεσσαλονίκη: Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης, 1989).

124 Kasselouri-Hatzivassiliadi, ‘The Gender Factor in Contemporary Orthodox Biblical Research’, p. 109

125 Ευανθία Αδαμτζίλογλου, ΄Ήσαν δε Γυναίκες πολλαί (Θεσσαλονίκη: Εκδóσεις Simbo, 1997).

126 Kasselouri, ‘The Gender Factor in Contemporary Orthodox Biblical Research’, p. 109

127 Ευανθία Αδαμτζίλογλου, Οὸκ ἔνι ἄρσεν και θῆλυ Τa βασιλικά χαρίσματα των δύο φύλων “Neither male nor female…” The royal charismata of the two sexes (Γαλ. 3,28γ, Γεν. 1,26–27 (Θεσσαλονίκη: University Studio Press, 1998).

128 Kasselouri, ‘The Gender Factor in Contemporary Orthodox Biblical Research’, p. 110.

129 Ελένη Κασσελούρη-Χατζηβασιλειάδη, Φεμινιστική Ερμηνευτική-Ο Παράγοντας «Φύλο» στη Σύγχρονη Βιβλική Ερμηνευτική (Θεσσαλονίκη: Εκδóσεις Πουρνάρα, 2003).

130 Καταστατικóς Χάρτης Ελληνικής Ευαγγελικής Εκκλησίας, Άρθρα 94, 128 (Αθήναι, 1993).

131 Georgios P. Kouretas, The Greek Debt Crisis, Department of Business Administration, Athens University of Economics and Business. The Greek Debt Crisis: Origins and Implications by Georgios P

132 CNN Q&A Greece‘s financial crisis explained 3, 26, 2010, Updated 1501 GMT (2301 HKT).

133 Aristides N. Hatzis, ‘The Greek Crisis’, Korean Herald (August 12, 2011),

134 Q&A: Greek debt crisis, (2 March 2012),

135 Gavin Hewitt, ‘Greeks ask: Why all the suffering?’ (22 September, 2011),

136 Julia Amalia Heyer, ‘A Civilization on Edge, Amid Debt Crisis, Athens Falls Apart’, in DER SPIEGEL, 03/28/2012.,1518,824011,00.html

137 GREECE (TIER 2) [Extracted from U.S. State Dept Trafficking in Persons Report, June 2009] htmHuman Trafficking & Modern-day Slavery.

138 EC Report – Greece: Unemployment, Income Losses, Poverty, Keep Talking Greece ,

139 Moltmann, God in Creation, pp. 47–9.

140 Theoxeni, Sister, ‘Lifestyle: Orthodox Tradition and the Protection of the Environment: The Project of the Holy Monastry of Chrysopigi (Chania, Crete),’ Ecotheology, 4 (1998), 70–76.

141 Mary Evelyn Tucker, John Grim, ‘Series Foreword’, in Dieter T. Hessel, Rosemary Radford Ruether (eds), Christianity and Ecology: Seeking the Well-Being of Earth and Humans (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2000), pp. xvi–xvii.

142 Mary Grey, Sacred Longings: Ecofeminist Theology and Globalization (London: SCM Press, 2003), p. 66.

143 Veronica Brady, ‘Preface’, in Norman C. Habel (ed.), Readings from the Perspective of the Earth (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), pp. 13–7.

144 Genesis 1.26–8.