Environmental Conflict and the Media

by Libby Lester (Volume editor) Brett Hutchins (Volume editor)
©2013 Monographs XII, 357 Pages
Series: Global Crises and the Media, Volume 13


Has the hype associated with the «revolutionary» potential of the World Wide Web and digital media for environmental activism been muted by the past two decades of lived experience? What are the empirical realities of the prevailing media landscape?
Using a range of related disciplinary perspectives, the contributors to this book analyze and explain the complicated relationship between environmental conflict and the media. They shine light on why media are central to historical and contemporary conceptions of power and politics in the context of local, national and global issues and outline the emerging mixture of innovation and reliance on established strategies in environmental campaigns.
With cases drawn from different sections of the globe – Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States, Europe, Latin America, China, Japan, the Pacific Islands, Africa – the book demonstrates how conflicts emanate from and flow across multiple sites, regions and media platforms and examines the role of the media in helping to structure collective discussion, debate and decision-making.

Table Of Contents

  • Cover
  • Title
  • Copyright
  • About the Editors
  • About the Book
  • This eBook can be cited
  • Table of Contents
  • Series Editor’s Preface
  • Acknowledgments
  • Introduction: Tree-Sitting in the Network Society: Brett Hutchins and Libby Lester
  • Part One: “Old” and “New” Technologies
  • Part Two: Activism and Campaigns
  • Part Three: Communicating Crises
  • Part Four: Contested Claims
  • Endnotes
  • 1 Environmental Conflict in a Global, Media Age: Beyond Dualisms: Simon Cottle
  • Environmental Conflict in the Media: A Brief Reprise
  • Environmental Crises in Global Context: Deepening the Frame
  • Ecological Crises in a Digital Media Age: Beyond Dualisms
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • Part 1: “Old” and “New” Technologies
  • 2 Campaigning Journalism: The Early Press, Environmental Advocacy and National Parks: Michael Meadows and Robert Thomson
  • Imagining the Country
  • Australia’s First Environmental Journalism
  • Environmental Advocacy and the National Parks Movement
  • Conclusion
  • 3 Affecting Environments: Mobilizing Emotion and Twitter in the UK Save Our Forests Campaign: Alex Lockwood
  • The Protest: An Overview
  • Save our Woods
  • Twitter and the Circulation of Emotion
  • Phenomenologies of Social Media, Communicative Capitalism
  • Conclusion
  • Endnotes
  • 4 Clear Cuts on Clearcutting: YouTube, Activist Videos and Narrative Strategies: Catherine Collins
  • Approach
  • Narratives Defining Old-Growth Forests
  • Narratives Valuing Old-Growth Forests
  • Narratives Celebrating Logging
  • Protest Narratives
  • Assessing the Video Messages: A Representative Case
  • Conclusion
  • 5 Photography, Technology, and Ecological Criticism: Beyond the Sublime Image of Disaster: Daniel Palmer
  • Nature at Risk
  • “Nature out There”
  • Emerging Approaches in the Digital Media
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • Part 2: Activism and Campaigns
  • 6 Not So Soft? Travel Journalism, Environmental Protest, Power and the Internet: Lyn Mcgaurr
  • Travel Journalism Meets Environmental Conflict in Tasmania
  • The Legacy of the Styx
  • Under the Radar in the Tarkine
  • Conclusion
  • Acknowledgment
  • Endnotes
  • 7 Contesting Extractivism: Media and Environmental Citizenship in Latin America: Silvio Waisbord
  • Media and Environmental Citizenship
  • Water Over Gold: Media and Resistance Against Extractive Projects
  • Pulp Friction
  • Gualeguaychú’s Asamblea and Media Advocacy
  • Official Sources and News Coverage
  • Conclusion
  • Endnotes
  • 8 Online Media, Flak and Local Environmental Politics: Kitty Van Vuuren
  • Doing Citizenship
  • The Greens Campaign in Blair
  • Gray Propaganda
  • Conclusion
  • Endnotes
  • 9 Celebrity, Environmentalism and Conservation: Dan Brockington
  • Celebrity, Capitalism and the Environment
  • Celebrity and the Environment
  • Future Directions
  • Endnotes
  • 10 Dodgy Science or Global Necessity? Local Media Reporting of Marine Parks: Michelle Voyer, Tanja Dreher, William Gladstone and Heather Goodall
  • The NSW Marine Park Debate—Who held a Stake, Who had a Voice?
  • Stakeholders in the News Media
  • Stakeholders Online
  • Stakeholders in the Planning Process
  • The Role of Spokespeople: Conservation Vs. Fishing, Global Vs. Local?
  • Competing Frames of Support and Opposition
  • Why do we need a Marine Park? Fishing Benefits Vs. Biodiversity Threats
  • Will a Marine Park Work? Dodgy Science Vs. Scientific Consensus
  • Conclusion
  • Endnotes
  • Part 3: Communicating Crises
  • 11 Greening Wildlife Documentary: Morgan Richards
  • The Politics of Blue Chips
  • Keeping it Blue: Framing Science and Environmental Issues on Screen
  • Greening Wildlife Documentary: From Blue Chips to Green Chips
  • Endnotes
  • 12 Whither the “Moral Imperative”? The Focus and Framing of Political Rhetoric in the Climate Change Debate in Australia: Myra Gurney
  • The Political Context and the “Moral Imperative”
  • Approach
  • Results
  • Kevin Rudd and “The Great Moral Challenge”
  • Tony Abbott and “A Realist’s Approach to Climate Change”
  • Julia Gillard and the “Clean Energy Future”
  • Conclusion
  • 13 As Fukushima Unfolds: Media Meltdown and Public Empowerment: Kumi Kato
  • East Japan Earthquake
  • Media on Fukushima
  • Domestic Reports
  • Fukushima
  • Evacuation Order (11 March, 21:53)
  • Explosion of the No. 1 Reactor (12 March, 15:36)
  • Radiation Level
  • Meltdown (Roshin Yoyu)
  • International Reports
  • Political Apathy and the Social Phenomenon of ‘Indirectness’
  • Empowering New Voices
  • Acknowledgment
  • Endnotes
  • 14 Public Communication, Environmental Crises and Nuclear Disasters: A Comparative Approach: Clio Kenterelidou
  • Three Mile Island (Pennsylvania, United States, 1979)
  • Chernobyl (Ukraine, 1986)
  • Fukushima (Japan, 2011)
  • Research Findings and Discussion
  • Criteria 1—Rapid and Continuous Communication to the General Public and Affected Groups
  • Criteria 2—Express Empathy and Address People’s Concerns About Risks
  • Criteria 3—Provide Information About How People Can Protect Themselves
  • Criteria 4—Designate Crisis Spokespersons, Formal Channels and Methods of Communication
  • Criteria 5—Make Sure that Communicators have a Good Understanding of the Crisis Circumstances and Potential Outcomes
  • Criteria 6—Admit Uncertainties
  • Criteria 7—Attempts for Remedy
  • Criteria 8—Aftermath
  • Conclusions
  • Part 4: Contested Claims
  • 15 Climate Change, Media Convergence and Public Uncertainty: Robert Cox
  • Legacy Media and Science Journalism
  • Alternate Sites of Production and Distribution
  • The Narrative of “Climategate”
  • Climate Science and Public Uncertainty
  • Conclusion
  • Endnotes
  • 16 “That Sinking Feeling”: Climate Change, Journalism and Small Island States: Chris Nash and Wendy Bacon
  • Conclusion
  • Endnotes
  • 17 “Skeptics” and “Believers”: The Anti-Elite Rhetoric of Climate Change Skepticism in the Media: Alanna Myers
  • Governmentality and the Rise of Expertise
  • Populist Anti-Elitism in the Climate Change Debate
  • Discussion and Conclusion
  • Endnotes
  • 18 Media, Civil Society and the Rise of a Green Public Sphere in China: Guobin Yang and Craig Calhoun
  • A Green Public Sphere and Greenspeak in China
  • Environmental NGOs: The Discourse-Producing Publics of the Green Sphere
  • The Media of the Green Sphere: Official, “Alternative,” and the Internet
  • Mass Media
  • Alternative Media
  • The Internet
  • The Green Sphere in Action: The Campaign to Stop Dam Building on the Nu River
  • The Role of Environmental NGOs in Publicizing the Campaign
  • Strategic Use of the Mass Media and the Internet
  • Conclusion
  • Endnotes
  • Afterword: Senator Christine Milne, Leader of the Australian Greens
  • References
  • Contributors
  • Index

Series Editor’s Preface

Global Crises and the Media

We live in a global age. We inhabit a world that has become radically interconnected, interdependent, and communicated in the formations and flows of the media. This same world also spawns proliferating, often interpenetrating, “global crises.”

From climate change to the war on terror, financial meltdowns to forced migrations, pandemics to world poverty, and humanitarian disasters to the denial of human rights, these and other crises represent the dark side of our globalized planet. Their origins and outcomes are not confined behind national borders and they are not best conceived through national prisms of understanding. The impacts of global crises often register across “sovereign” national territories, surrounding regions and beyond, and they can also become subject to systems of governance and forms of civil society response that are no less encompassing or transnational in scope. In today’s interdependent world, global crises cannot be regarded as exceptional or aberrant events only, erupting without rhyme or reason or dislocated from the contemporary world (dis)order. They are endemic to the contemporary global world, deeply enmeshed within it. And so too are they highly dependent on the world’s media and communication networks.

The series Global Crises and the Media sets out to examine not only the media’s role in the communication of global threats and crises but also how they can variously enter into their constitution, enacting them on the public stage and helping to shape their future trajectory around the world. More specifically, the volumes in this series seek to: (1) contextualize the study of global crisis reporting in relation to wider debates about the changing flows and formations of world media communication; (2) address how global crises become variously communicated and contested in both so-called “old” and “new” media around the world; (3) consider the possible impacts of global crisis reporting on public awareness, political action, and policy responses; (4) showcase the very latest research findings and discussion from leading authorities in their respective fields of inquiry; and (5) contribute to the development of positions of theory and debate that deliberately move beyond national parochial ← vii | viii → isms and/or geographically disaggregated research agendas. In these ways the specially commissioned books in the Global Crises and the Media series aim to provide a sophisticated and empirically engaged understanding of the media’s changing roles in global crises and thereby contribute to academic and public debate about some of the most significant global threats, conflicts, and contentions in the world today.

Environmental Conflict and the Media, edited by Libby Lester and Brett Hutchins, expertly responds to the challenge of the series brief above as it dissects the deeply entwined roles and representations of media and communications in environmental conflicts around the world today. “In an age of global media and crises,” state the editors in their opening chapter, “events occurring in local and national contexts are now embedded in transnational communications networks and shared by sizable communities of activists, supporters and citizens around the world.” The chapters that follow proceed to examine diverse environmental conflicts in different parts of the world, including Australia, the UK, the US, Europe, Latin America, China, Japan, the Pacific Islands, and Africa. Together these “demonstrate how conflicts emanate from and flow across multiple sites, regions, and media platforms.” This is a timely and considered intervention into not only the world of intensifying environmental conflicts but also the intensifying debates that surround the rise of new media and communication networks and their interrelationship with the former. The contributing authors to this volume have their preferred views and theoretical perspectives on these and other key debates, which represent some of the best scholarship on such issues. They all also demonstrate a shared commitment to improved understanding of the problems and possibilities of media and communications in respect of humanly pressing issues and threats confronting contemporary world society.

Readers may be interested to know that some of the chapters began as papers written for the Environmental Politics and Conflict in a Digital Media Age Symposium, hosted by Professor Libby Lester and Associate Professor Brett Hutchins in Hobart, Tasmania (17–18 November 2011). Alongside the assembled academics were a number of Pacific Islanders, journalists mostly, who sought to share the problems and difficulties they’d encountered when reporting the effects of climate change impacting on their small island communities, their livelihoods, and traditional ways of life. These islanders are paying a high price for climate change, a problem not of their making but now visited upon them by industrialized economies and societies, many of whom are still largely in denial about what’s unfolding and what’s at stake. The testimonies of the Pacific Islander journalists concentrated minds, all the more so when set against the reporting of much of the Australian press at the time of the symposium, which displayed a cynical stance of climate change denial—a stance woefully behind the times, out of step, out of touch. ← viii | ix →

Environmental conflicts today, whether played out at local or global levels, are increasingly entangled within and executed through multiple communication flows and media formations around the globe. Media systems and communication networks in Australia, as elsewhere, are not destined to always be aligned to the forces of conservatism, however; they also can be put to work in mobilizing for change. Christine Milne, Leader of the Australian Green Party, who also spoke at the Tasmanian symposium, powerfully reminds us in her Afterword to this volume how changing communications have performed an integral role in processes of political mobilization and policy change in the past and continue to do so in the present, often in creative and fast-changing ways. Media and communications, then, are not “outside” environmental conflict and politics but critically sutured inside their very dynamics and unfolding trajectory. This volume both grounds and theoretically reflects on the politics and possibilities of communicating conflicts in a global, media age.

To end I can do no better than rehearse the editors’ own encapsulating statement about Environmental Conflict and the Media as my way of recommending this book to you: “This wide-ranging collection moves across continents, shifts between media platforms and technologies, considers activism and campaigns in multiple contexts, travels between the local and global, and traces the mediation of slow-moving crises and unexpected disasters. The ambition of this scope is informed by the knowledge that the future of the planet is unfolding before our eyes,” and “witnessed in and through media.” And so it is.

Simon Cottle, Series Editor

← ix | x → ← x | xi →


The editors would like to thank the Australian Research Council for funding the three-year research project ‘Changing Landscapes: Online Media and Politics in an Age of Environmental Conflict’ (DP1095173), which has included this book and related symposium held at the University of Tasmania in November 2011. Thank you to Janine Mikosza for her initiative, patience and painstaking work in preparing the manuscript, and to Stephenie Cahalan for her invaluable support with organizing the symposium. Thank you to the University of Tasmania and to Monash University for funding support for the symposium. The editors would also like to acknowledge the enthusiasm and collegiality of symposium participants, who travelled from thirteen countries and brought a range of media and journalism research traditions and industry perspectives to the gathering. Libby would also like to thank the University of Tasmania for a period of study leave that helped with the completion of this collection. Brett is appreciative of the support offered by his colleagues in the School of English, Communications and Performance Studies at Monash University, with particular thanks going to Shane Homan, Andy Ruddock, Kevin Foster, Sue Kossew, Robin Gerster, Jodie Wood and Kerry Bowmar. He also knows that nothing is really worthwhile without the love and support of Janine and Rowan. Finally, thank you to series editor Simon Cottle for his interest and participation in the research project and book, and to Mary Savigar of Peter Lang for her publishing support. ← xi | xii → ← xii | xiii →



Tree-Sitting in the Network Society


Miranda Gibson is living on a small platform 60 metres above the ground in an ancient gum tree. The tree is located in the Styx Valley in the remote southwest of Tasmania in Australia, a state that is home to one of the three largest temperate wilderness areas in the southern hemisphere. A 31-year-old environmentalist and schoolteacher, Gibson has been there for 368 days without a break, surpassing both the Tasmanian and national records for the longest tree-sit.1 A committed activist representing the grassroots group Still Wild, Still Threatened, Gibson is attempting to protect her area from logging and draw widespread attention to the destruction of old-growth forests in the island state. These immediate objectives are tied to a broader vision of environmental sustainability and ecological citizenship in social, economic and political systems worldwide. Gibson’s teaching career remains on hold as she endures the trials of changeable Tasmanian weather that features sun, wind, rain and snow. Her last birthday was celebrated in the depths of winter, protected by only a small canopy. Sleep is difficult depending on the weather conditions, and there is no one immediately present to chat with for long periods of time, although her mother and sister have scaled the tree for short visits. The nearest township is Maydena (population 245), an old timber and mining town. Negotiating the track, forestry road and bush that leads to the tree is hard work for those visiting and delivering supplies to Gibson, underlining her isolation and distance from metropolitan space and the conveniences associated with urban living. ← 1 | 2 →

Gibson’s tree-sit—in the Observer Tree (http://observertree.org/)—is a significant manifestation of environmental conflict and media in “the network society” (Castells, 1996, 2004). Her daily routine involves communicating via a mobile phone and laptop computer that enables access to Skype, online chat, email and social networking services. She converses with Australian and international journalists, fellow activists, political figures, students, researchers, interested onlookers, family members and friends. Her media use shifts from the local to the regional, national and international and back again, depending on who she is communicating with and where her heartfelt message about the Tasmanian forests is directed. Gibson accesses details about developments in news and politics through websites, Facebook and a range of online resources (Gibson, 2012a), motivated by an enduring commitment to the environment and the considerable time she has to fill each day. She also produces her own environmental media texts and images by writing a regular blog, maintaining a Facebook and Twitter profile, and distributing photographs and short videos shot from her platform.

The digital media practices described here function as both a “networking agent in and window on” Gibson’s protest (Segerberg and Bennett, 2011: 200). This dual character was on display as the anniversary of her protest was marked by a “worldwide cyber event” involving live video streams conducted by Gibson from her platform. These streams saw her answer multiple questions sent by supporters in both the northern and southern hemispheres. These streams also linked up with community events staged in cities and towns across Australia, as well as in Tokyo, Seattle, and Bristol, UK. A Flickr account, “Observertree one year anniversary”,2 shows more than 200 photographs of groups and individuals sending visual messages of support. The anniversary of the tree-sit and these activities also saw Gibson attract national and international news attention. The Observer Tree is an ideal case study to consider at the start of this book. This protest demonstrates key features of environmental conflict in an age of global media and crises, highlighting that events occurring in local and national contexts are now embedded in transnational communications networks and shared by sizable communities of activists, supporters and citizens around the world. The next chapter, by Simon Cottle, offers insight into the interdependencies that produce this situation in the twenty-first century.

It is difficult to fathom the significance of Gibson’s protest or the advanced media practices discussed here when standing next to the gum tree in which she is perched, a tree that is presently an assemblage of the natural and social worlds (Latour, 1993). The tree is both organic plant matter standing in a pristine natural environment and a temporary piece of communication infrastructure containing a laptop computer and mobile phone connected wirelessly to a nearby mobile service tower that is, in ← 2 | 3 → turn, linked to a global network of computing devices. Networking logic and power now reach deep into the wilderness and are used by those who seek to protect these settings from harm and others wanting to harvest and harness them for economic gain. Yet, for all the novelty of Gibson’s protest and her extensive media activities, it is important to recognize that she is tapping into an established history of tree-sits in Tasmania and elsewhere, many of which have received extensive news coverage. This interplay between continuity and discontinuity was on display when Julia “Butterfly” Hill sent messages of support to Gibson on Facebook on 15 February 2012 and again on 15 December 2012. In an act of civil disobedience fifteen years earlier, Hill occupied a 1,500-year-old redwood tree (dubbed “Luna”) in California in the US for a record 738 days, using solar-powered cell phones to conduct radio and television interviews with reporters (Hill, 2001).

Much of the hype associated with the “revolutionary” potential of the World Wide Web and digital media for environmental activism has been disproven—or at least muted—by the last two decades of lived experience. The empirical realities of the prevailing media landscape instead display a mixture of innovation and reliance on established strategies and techniques. Long-standing mechanisms of media production, transmission and consumption have been re-embedded into a range of new consumer technologies that foster distributed networks, increasing amounts of content, accelerating rates of communication, and new ways of organizing data and information. This process of relentless remediation is captured by Marshall McLuhan’s notion of the “rear-view mirror” and the fact “we march backwards into the future” (McLuhan and Fiore, 1967; Levinson, 1999; Bolter and Grusin, 1999).3 The result is a conflicting and occasionally confusing array of outcomes that are difficult to parse in terms of old, new and hybrid media formations. This task is particularly arduous when analyzing the entanglement of print, analogue, broadcast, digital and mobile media in a large and messy communications ecology (Goggin, 2011: 4). The demands of researching these developments are made more formidable by a kaleidoscope of representations, counter-representations and self-representations produced in the course of fiercely fought environmental disputes. Conflicts manifest in open public disagreement and debate, protest, legal proceedings, government action, political lobbying, and even physical violence, all refracted through modes of mediation (Lievrouw, 2011; Couldry, 2012).

Using a range of related disciplinary perspectives from the social sciences and humanities, the contributors to this book have accepted the challenge of analyzing and explaining the complicated relationship between environmental conflict and the media.4 Through empirical investigation and critical analysis, they shine light on why media are central to historical and contemporary conceptions of power and politics ← 3 | 4 → in the context of environmental issues, and examine the role of media in helping to structure collective discussion, debate and conflict. Their insights reveal much about the forces, processes and practices that are observable through (i) specific media contexts, formats and technologies, (ii) activism and campaigns, (iii) the communication of crises, and (iv) news reporting and media frames that ventilate (and stifle) contested environmental claims. Discussing different sections of the globe—Australia, the UK, the US, Europe, Latin America, China, Japan, the Pacific Islands, Africa—the chapters demonstrate how conflicts emanate from and flow across multiple sites, regions and media platforms. Symbols and messages generated during conflicts by political challengers, elites and mediators are deployed to reach multiple audiences, which encompass like-minded allies, hostile opponents, political representatives, skeptical and sympathetic journalists, and the broader citizenry. The stories presented in this collection add much needed evidence to an observation made by sociology’s master analyst of the network society, Manuel Castells:

The uses of the Internet are integrated in a broader multimedia strategy that characterizes the actions of the environmental movement…In sum, the versatility of digital communication networks has allowed environmental activists to evolve from their previous focus on attracting attention from the mainstream media to using different media channels depending on their messages and the interlocutors they aim to engage. From its original emphasis on reaching out to a mass audience, the movement has shifted to stimulate mass citizen participation by making the best of the interactive capacity offered by the Internet. Thus, environmental organizations act on the public and on decision-makers by bringing issues to their attention in the communication realm, both in the mainstream media and on the Internet. (Castells, 2009: 327; emphasis in original)

Castells (2009: 303–339) highlights how social movements, the “long march of environmentalism” and networked political action are reprogramming cultural codes and political values across the globe. The following essays endorse his position, and proceed to identify the precise features of these multi-media practices through approaches and case studies that draw upon newspapers, magazines, broadcast television and radio, documentary and film, photography, websites, Internet video and YouTube, and social networking services such as Twitter and Facebook.

Returning to the case of the Observer Tree, Gibson’s activities exemplify multifaceted media strategies targeted at fellow activists and environmentalists, as well as mass audiences accessing information through newspapers, radio and television current affairs. Examples include her use of Skype to talk with the leader of the Australian Greens, Christine Milne (see the Afterword to this book), before an audience of female environmental leaders; posting on YouTube a video of a visit to the Observer Tree by Australian Greens political icon Bob Brown; and uploading on Facebook a photograph of fellow activists who journeyed to the tree. The photo ← 4 | 5 → depicts crew members from the MY Bob Barker of the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society (see Crouch and Damjanov, 2011; Lester, 2010b). These messages and images targeted at fellow environmentalists are complemented by nationally broadcast reports about Gibson on Australian public service radio, commercial current affairs television programs, and a video question asked by Gibson via Skype from the tree’s platform during an episode of Q&A, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s (ABC) high-profile current affairs panel show. The creation of deliberately appealing visual images for the news media is also apparent. A visit to the tree by “Santa” was arranged in December 2011, and a photograph of a smiling Gibson and her festive visitor was published by Hobart’s daily newspaper, The Mercury, on Christmas Eve(Hoggett, 2011b). This interweaving of actions, messages, events, reports and images is a recurring feature in the essays that follow.


XII, 357
ISBN (Softcover)
ISBN (Hardcover)
Publication date
2013 (June)
activism power politics innovation
New York, Bern, Berlin, Bruxelles, Frankfurt, Oxford, Wien, 2013. 357 pp., num. ill.

Biographical notes

Libby Lester (Volume editor) Brett Hutchins (Volume editor)

Libby Lester (PhD, University of Melbourne) is Professor of Journalism, Media and Communications at the University of Tasmania. She is the author of Media and Environment: Conflict, Politics and the News (2010) and co-editor with Simon Cottle of Transnational Protests and the Media (Peter Lang, 2011). Her research has appeared in Media, Culture & Society, International Journal of Communication, Journalism, Journalism Studies and Media International Australia. She has also worked as a journalist for leading Australian newspapers and magazines. Brett Hutchins (PhD, University of Queensland) is Associate Professor and Co-Director of the Research Unit in Media Studies at Monash University. His most recent articles appear in Media, Culture & Society, Information, Communication & Society, International Journal of Communication and Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism. His books include Sport Beyond Television: The Internet, Digital Media and the Rise of Networked Media Sport (2012).


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