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Slavic Grammar from a Formal Perspective

The 10th Anniversary FDSL Conference, Leipzig 2013


Edited By Gerhild Zybatow, Petr Biskup, Marcel Guhl, Claudia Hurtig, Olav Mueller-Reichau and Maria Yastrebova

The proceedings of the 10 th European Conference on Formal Description of Slavic Languages in Leipzig 2013 offer current formal investigations into Slavic morphology, phonology, semantics, syntax and information structure. In addition to papers of the main conference, the volume presents those of two special workshops: «Formal Perspectives and Diachronic Change in Slavic Languages» and «Various Aspects of Heritage Language». The following languages are addressed: Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS), Bulgarian, Czech, Macedonian, Old Church Slavonic, Polish, Russian, Serbo-Croatian, Resian, Slovak and Slovene.
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Phonology of Turkish loanwords in BCS


← 514 | 515 →Melissa Witcombe

Indiana University Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures

In this paper I analyze the adaptation of word-initial consonant + front vowel sequences from Turkish into Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS). I examine the vowels in #CV sequences, paying particular attention to borrowings containing the front round vowels /ø/ and /y/, which are phonologically prohibited in BCS and must be repaired. The repair in question, when compared to the repairs of front round vowels in later borrowings, seems to indicate a diachronic shift in constraint rankings. I then examine the behavior of the consonants in #CV sequences, paying special attention to the velars, which undergo a change to the (laminal) palatal affricates < ć > ([ʨ]) and < đ > ([ʥ]) in BCS. At a superficial level, these k~ć and g~đ alternations appear to be in violation of the rules of the BCS phonological system, in which the velars /k/ and /g/ alternate with the (apical) affricates < č > ([ʧ]) and < dž > ([ʤ]). I propose that the actual phonetic attributes of the Turkish input segments were not those of true velar stops, and that the alternations exhibited in loanword adaptation are in fact consistent with BCS phonological processes during the period that these words entered the lexicon.

The basic vowel inventories for Turkish and BCS are shown in Tables 2.1 and 2.2. The segments of interest for this study are the front round vowels in Turkish, which do not have a direct counterpart in BCS.1

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